After the Hetero-Identification The “black movement” costachiquense and the selection of ethnic labels

In the area of the Costa Chica between the municipalities of Cuajinicuilapa and Pinotepa Nacional, without it is neither matter nor demand of a movement of big local masses, but of specific interests of several of its wise people, provoked in turn by the incident of many other factors -endogenous and exogenous, national and international- exists the necessity of requesting its social recognition as a singular entity or ethnic group, that goes beyond, I could say, of whom it has granted them in ancient times its regional area. Clear request, asked at least until the year 2000, Along the annual “encounter of black people villages” celebrated from 1997.

So well its worshippers sustain much of its used specific afro features phenotype to its inhabitants, means they take it as a necessary criteria, reach that it is not sufficient, and I do not know if such insufficiency should or not to the conscience of which so opposite they could be of the racism. So that to round or strengthen its pretension they come among other mechanisms, to the past, so that like genetic legacy, the used and its intention prove to be irremovable. The allowed auto justifies itself ontology since it has been, it is and it will remain there for centuries, this process to which invariably they appeal any political project that they want to reach convincing legitimacy. For the effect it is not important if to this “past” its heroic substance is reinvented or constructs to the political current intention, so from it will come a brave way to honor the dimension of the political present task.

It seems, in this description it fits today, for the simple reason that the documents does not support historically the heroic pretension, the use of the label of the cimarronaje and its association with one definition of the ethnic singularity constructed among members of this wise people’s alluded universe costachiquenses.

But if still a heroic past is persisted in sustaining as part of the political platform of this movement for the recognition of the ethnic demand, such an idea is offered by the ancient exercise of the dairy in the zone without forcing anything. Because of it, present lines will try to show:

1) That the blacks and mulatos novohispanos in the cowboys’ exercise they contributed largely to the formation of an icon of the Mexican culture, “The Charreria”. Symbol of national identity current for fellow citizens and strangers, and even in some moments its epitome, at least up to the seventh decade of the 20th century. In fort connect with it one shows them also as illustrious predecessors of the bullfighting by foot.

2) That the region of the coastal Pacific Ocean – long ago included for ranches, places and cattle stays of the household tasks of the Marshall of Castilla1 among that one the today coastal municipality from Guerrero of Cuajinicuilapa – it was an important source of Mulatto cowboys from New Spain, that is to say, of afro cowboys. To perform this activity there, they were direct counterfeiters of cowboy regional culture, without this wants to say the phenomenon it has been exclusive of this zone, but proper of where they grazed the big bovine flocks: to the north of the republic, already in both coasts, as also towards the center and south. It was a phenomenon of great territorial scope and for it, more other elements; it had later the possibility of being used as a national symbol identity of similar extension.

3) That, for the previous thing, turns out to be uncertain to attribute the foundation of village of Cuajinicuilapa to the activity of wild black slaves. It means, with similar genesis to that of The St Lawrence of the Blacks in 1608;2 or that of Our Lady of Guadalupe de los Negros of Amapa3 in 1769-, since it is supposed by the attitude of several wise professional contemporary persons4 and also of organic intellectual (teaching and clergy) of the area. Wrong and not only explicity because it is a product of misinterpreted reading of Aguirre Beltrán’s text5, but because in case of the local intellectual organic ones it turns out to be a suitable reading to nourish the imaginary one local politician of a heroic past in order to sustain one, belligerent or not, arouses of self-esteem. But the consulted documents does not support it, since in it there are strong indications, direct and indirect, to have to the cattle activity, and the consequent culture that from it comes, as that original founded cause. Event that Aguirre Beltrán was the first who indicated on having said clearly and well: “The number of black forum raised of agents, fishermen and muleteers, though I deign of be bearing in mind it does not explain, by itself, the existence of the abundant black population of Cuijla. And other places of the Costa Chica … the effective settlers were also black slaves, but of the founded stays after the half of the 16th century for Spanish ranchers”6

4) Exhorting enmendative of Aguirre Beltrán in his “sketch ethnographic” and indicates that the documentary, like that evidence of colonial period as of the independent one for the zone7, It does not fits well with the attributed ethos of violence that he caught in his field investigation and then it painted as a distinctive label hetero and auto identity of the black coastal population of 50’s decade; to recognize in such ethos of the legacy and cultural practice of colonial black slavery.

5) That, the above mentioned social phenomenon this text discusses the notion of its heavy force for Cuajinicuilapa’s zone in the Virreinal time, not only for a previous mention, but also because it specifies that wild it was not a colonial denoting term it means, with the only, exclusive sense – but as a connotation, so had also that of rustic melanodermo (black or mulatto and its diverse hybridizations); what it means, the not turned one in urban occupations.

6) That the “charreria” and its attached culture for the above mentioned coastal zone would have been the hegemonic ethos hetero and auto identity, not the unconditional violence, at least towards then end of the century XIX,8 and to ratify it its indicates that its social relevancy still can be obtained by means of the analysis choreology (choreography, kinetic, sense, constitutive elements, attitudes, steps, endowment) of a couple of its dances: The Devils9 and the Cowherds; also the one of the dancers might be included, mainly for its very onerous apparel already is asaz infrequently execute and therefore observe from the ethnographic point of view.

7) The historical questions achieved in the documents were arisen usually as an expression of subject matters or questions of the present, and the text offered here is not the exception. It proved they are historical inquiries on the genesis and sustenance of historical identity categories, existing among certain human groups of the region Costeña in certain space and in singular matter: the exercise of charreria. The result, in dialogue with the many questions and dilemmas provoked by the approaching of some authors who seek to re-define the former ones and hegemonic categories of local or regional identity, denying or reinventing them. Besides, it is a matter of ethnic categories that in a moment were noticed by Basauri10 or J. Pavía and Aguirre Beltrán, with his ethos of violence.

This contemporary local effort (marginal or not, the time will say) of entering to the combat the social representations (heteroidentity) much is nourished of diagnostic that one on the ethos violent. Well to claim it under the edge of the symbolic universe that invokes the heroic but partial use of the wild term. Or to push it back while I infuriate or inadequate value of the contemporary people; in such a way that today it is almost bad taste to be called violent. Connotation, nevertheless, quite inept for whom it concerns or has concerned for example, to a society of hunters, since in the moment it was the activity rancher cuijleña, especially in rodeo and similar activities.

Of these elements, and different several that touch the area of the relations interethnic, the local diagnosis is nourished on the grade of self-esteem of the black population Costeña, and on the one that has been looked to raise a recent platform of political action that undoubtedly, this one faces the gun-sight of predisposing or producing a favorable environment to legitimize specific demands that they call to altering the local living conditions, to put them potentially, to compare them with what the unequal one socioeconomic national development sells as ideal way of life. In synthesis, suitable consumers return, material and symbolic, of the diverse goods exhibited in the sphere of the traffic, national and international.

And this “ideal way of life” only will enter like possibly the horizon of autochthonous expectations if they know that they are, as well as that are not they also must know it, equally, like that be potential, in the consumers’ national universe of goods and provided services by the State and the private initiative.

So the requirement of promoting a social local self-esteem that even not much, it means before the massive entry of media it was a lacking sense to promote as part of the sensible horizon of expectations of elements of the local population.

In other words, the differential worry for the promotion of the self-esteem it is born as endogenous result of specific changes in the levels of information, possibilities of consumption and traffic endogenous, and of its contrast evaluation of the exogenous ones. It demands constant and patent observed by me during the four first meetings of “Black peoples”, celebrated in different times from 1997 in the geographical corridor among Cuajinicuilapa, Guerrero, and Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca.

In this respect, the spirit of this text contributes elements to local interests of reconstruction of its autoidentity and promotion of the heteroidentity, especially for the conscience of the self-esteem; in addition it indicates that nothing is that to invent as the cimarronaje or the abstract Africa. So, it claims the cattle culture in the same general tone that Mintz and Price11 explains what Roger Bastide12 named a black culture.

That is to say, the creation of autochthonous Afro-American culture in a wide sense, from the continental and insular America, not a small imperial part of the Afro-American from “the monopoly of the power for the owners, but separated from institutions of the owners”.

Therefore is emphasized the repercussion of this autoctonía in the symbolism autoidentity and heteroidentity, by means of which state and audio-visual ways constructed an imaginary “native” that without the legacy of that culture afronovohispana of the cowherd it would lack an appearance of audacity that in turn Samuel Ramos13 had while it was a clear incriminating sign of the certainty of that one popular saying “Tell me what to presume and I will say what does not exist”.

For the adduced, also politician is differed from the attitudes messianic observed among the “Afro-American”14 autorreputados, as well as in some Mexican adherents, and its interventions in the previously mentioned meetings of “Black peoples”, when to autochthonous settlers claim, consciously or unconsciously, its unconscience and infidelity towards a suitably abstract Africa.

Such an attitude of fact tries to cancel about 450 year of cultural history constructed by black, mulatto and dun ancestors in the region. That is to say, in similar to proceed that the former slave holders they try to erase the relative self-determination of its universe Royal and symbolic, on having denied to them the value of its own auto history in Situ, that is precisely the essence onto and axiological of its to be there as human distinctive group in an ethnic range formed for Indian, half-caste and few “whites”.

I ignore the names of these “frastero militants”15 of phenotype melanoderm, more not its conduct of crossed “Afro-Americans” In pursuit of inculcating into the conscience of the blacks costeños its belonging to an idealized Africa and to the “diaspora” of its religious vocabulary. This way, in the first three of the meetings of “Black People” I saw them haranguing in order that those were dressing with bubús, they were dancing to the African style and drums were touching, among other attitudes that they reduce, in last term, to showing them what of “Africans” have lost.

I indicate a nonsense that much indicates of its messianism. A civil servant of the African and African American Studies Center of Texas’s University, afro ancestor itself, said to the assistants to the meeting celebrated in Estancia Grande, Oaxaca, which it was giving the surnames, so then, from The United States it would indicate them their African origin. Proposition concedible and conceivable while it is done abstraction of the anachronistic comparison of the conditions of the slave trade in The United States (that culminates up to bullfights two decades and peak of the 19th century and what it means in preservation and quality documentary), with the diverse ones of the New Spain and its voluminous quantity, which was not beyond last decade of the 17th century. That is to say, two not contemptible at all centuries of difference between one and another I process. Nevertheless, to accept the viability of the above mentioned proposition also would be necessary not to know completely usual African sub-Saharan practice of modification and variability of names to identify, while signs of diverse stadiums that the rites of step mark among the members of the ethnic group that treats itself. And also it is not required to know how it was stamped in the novohispanic letters of dealing the name of a black muzzle.

Precise is to admit that in this occupation they are not solitary either, since among the autorreputados afro sucessors there are several Mexicans “Frasteros” that take it as a gun-sight of the African thing finding them to the dark men of the Costa Chica.

Finally, I judge necessarily to notice that the pointed precisions here in nothing they diminish, and yes they recognize and strengthen, the guessed right one general frame to which Aguire Beltrán assigned the foundation and development of Cuajinicuilapan, namely, the employment of population melanoderma sucessor of Africans in the cattle activity.

Novohispanic blacks and vaqueria. A culture.

The viceroy Martin Enríquez (1567-1580) was saying in letter to the king that relevant difference between half-caste (hybrids of Spanish and Indies) and mulattos (blacks with indies, fundamentally; in occasions, of negress with Spanish) it was which the above mentioned are applied very little to the works, “but to guarding cattle and other jobs where they walk with freedom”.16

Before the Novohispana Inquisition, the year of 1615 is attested against the black Juan Conguillo17, for blasphemer. He was known for being good bullfighter18. In September, 1652 “the viceroy celebrated fulfillment of his years with bulls fought in the park … and the above-mentioned day they did the mulattos and blacks of this city a mask astride with singular shows”.

Ten years later, November, 1662, “on Tuesday, the 7th, Wednesday, on Thursday and Friday bulls moved along in the royal square, with title of royal holidays for the prince [is born]; the whole kingdom met… and a race traversed a bred black of the viceroy in the royal square”.

And the year of 1697 the traveller Italian Gemelli Careri19 was astonished of the equestrian skill exhibited by the blacks of the port of Acapulco, then “being the last one of carnival, on Sunday, the 17th, the blacks, mulatto and half-caste, after eating, couples ran with more than hundred horses. And so well, that seemed to me they were overcoming in much the Big Ones20 that existed I dress to run in Madrid, though these [the Big Ones], are in the habit of exercising in the game one month before. [And continues Careri] it is not a fable that those blacks were traversing one Italian mile, holding for the hand and others embraced, without never stopping or to decompose in all that space. They were gathering others, on having run, the hat of the soil.”

On Wednesday, the 17th of November, but of 1700, “In the evening it entered the mulatto one astride, sat as a man, to the square to fighting, and before entering he gathered some money that they gave to him, and did not do thing of profit; there was a bull with fireworks”. In spite of this not approved reason of the chronicler and licentiate Robles, the mulatto one was going forward with his task novohispana in almost 80 years to the Madrid one Nicolasa Escamilla, of nickname The Pajuelera, she was selling torches or spills of sulphur, and immortalized by Goya in an etching.21

There were bulls at eleven o’clock in the morning of November 24, 1700, and a bull killed a black. In Amozoque, in December, 1702 the black Damián, of the Farmhouse De los Cortijos de la Mariscala, was seen playing bulls, not mattering to convalesce of a shot of blunderbuss.

Of these news left by the chroniclers Guijo and Oaks in their respective diaries,22 as well as in testimonies found in branch of Inquisition and other repositories, it is estimated well how blacks novohispanos, included the mixtures, had a patent interest and relation with the cattle and, in terms of the epoch, with the yegüerizo. Phenomenon that was running of the hand with of black amateur bullfighters in the fights of astride in the main streets of the viceroyalty of Peru. Blacks that, thanks to the lucks and skills, later they would receive protagonism on having been bullfighters of afoot, in demerit of them of astride, as seen today.23 It is to say, the blacks would be indirect creators of the afoot bullfighting.

And it could not be differently. The ranching was the second line of importance in the colonial economy after the mining industry, for what many of the free ones and black and / or mulatto slaves, in some cases maybe taking advantage of the cattle African culture if they were muzzles, or in the case the Hispanic one, if it is that of there they were Creole, they worked in the stays of major and minor cattle of the territory Novohispano of the owners and contractors not a lot of time later of having concluded the Conquest.

And though there were some aborigens who also did it and they were riding, since authorized by the viceroy for the cattle stays of Juan Mellado24, in general they were scanty, so they had prohibited the equine amount in order the means anticipated that they were causing some revolt. On the other hand yes there were allowed they, and to times promoted, the baby of minor cattle: wool and caprino, that of horse was not needing. Obvious at the time it was the role of the horse: symbol simultaneously that demonstrates forcefulness of the power and, for analogy, the mount already out hijodalgo or a defamed black or mulatto.

Such a labor division was kept enclosed in 1821, so the intendant Murguía and Galardí,25 ignoring consciously or unconsciously this historical reason newly pointed. And to accentuate the aforesaid one strong contrast, it suggested that this one would come from an innate tare, since the Indians are not by the way now and much less they would be before [of the Independence] for the exercise of baqueria.

On the other hand, the blacks of the populous estate of The Hacienda de los Cortijos, of which evidence Murguía was extracting such a judgment. And that in 1792, according to the matriculation of Xicayan’s party, was relying on 208 tributaries of this quality for the entire population. 26 It indicated that it was big the affection that they had to the horses of which they use the whole day, up to the degree of not walking the shortest distance that his formalities demand from them in the big household tasks of “major cattles” of the Marshall of Castile.

Little less than hundred years after such an appraisal, Isaac Manuel Cruz to Manuel Martínez Gracida27 regarding the black’s of Pinotepa Nacional expresses a similar vision. “As they do not like to walk by foot, rare it is that a black does not have good horses. Since it is known it is a very good breed that has great demand and prices raised since they come of all parts of the republic to buy them in big quantities to negotiate them in the squares of other towns and states “. So enormous it was this reputation of the agricultural production, that still in the last years of the 19th century they were moving from the city give of Xalapa, Veracruz, to the Costa Chica to end of being provided with horses, as my grandmother notified, native of that latitude.

Of equal form, Lucas Alamán28 recognized as badge of this melanoderm chaste of the colonial period, the equestrian skills and the exercise of the equine power, while rural militiamen developed.

Of this former association, blacks / gained still some remains can be found in rural localities of the former coast of the sea of the South. Though today divided by the political borders of the states of Guerrero and Oaxaca, long ago were understood and they thought as entities property of an alone head: the rancher then developed landowner. In addition, on the coast there were several of them, but that of major preeminence and chronological permanency, since it runs from purposes of the first half of the 16th century to the first three periods of the second half of the 19th century, it was that of the qualified primogeniture of the Mariscalato of Castilla.

So that for the intellectual comprehension like unit territorial did not prevent the fact that the areas spatially were one so much discontinuous or separated for the intrusion and mediation of properties of other ranchers. This dynamics obeyed to successive or discontinuous, simultaneous or postponed territorial, legitimate or illegitimate acquisitions, which throughout the time usufructuaries did on the earthly bordering goods to the agricultural aboriginal production.

The toponymy invokes of today costeños municipalities of Santa Maria Cortijos, La Estancia, San Jose Estancia Grande, or of the agencies of the Estanzuela or Mancuernas, undresses this alluded binomial, since they derive from the labor vaqueril. Same the polysemic term of squad, which at par of toponym, also it was indicating density of the costeño, being for the rest this completely related employment to the use that of it was done to name to young boys who already in the 18th century were helping the bullfighters by foot, subordinated since then to the star varilarguero or horsebreaker, since surely it was the aforesaid mulatto one that fought astride “mounting as man”.

Certain that, in a more general form, “squad” came to replace the term blow, proper of the XVIth and used to name one set of persons who were working in the agro or were forming pricks of soldiers.

You hobble, current toponym costeño, or to hobble not only long ago it designated a geographical space where the bulls were holding themselves with ropes for the horns and in pairs, that is to say, they were hobbled; also there is named the procedure with which long ago they were punishing the parents to their infants in Hacienda Santa Maria, on having linked them for the necks with a short rope to impede them, as it was done to the cattle, the mobility.

In the municipality of San Jose Estancia Grande, Oaxaca, long ago one of several messes of the estate of Las Haciendas, still in 1996 the negresses were going out riding horses to play races for the holiday of the gentleman Santiago, on July 25.

The day of All Saints, together with other dances like of The Devils, the dance of the cowherds is interpreted, also called of the bull of mat, in which it is summoned, since they betray the parliaments, choreography and kinetic, to the keepers of cattle of diverse settlements to proceeding to the capture and iron-work of a wild bull; It is to say, the objective of to do make a detour in order to mark and to separate the cattles, or for the desjarrete.

The regulations relative to the upbringing of major cattle, called ordinances of Cattle-owners’ guild, were typifying well that the stays of cattle, or for being of the cattle, were mainly worked by blacks,29 already they were African, slaves or free, or, Americans successors of these: called “zambos or mulatos”. Even, know of some blacks proceeding from the Iberian Peninsula, already Portuguese already Hispanic, recovering this activity, even if it ignores if they were slaves or free. The use of the horse was fully authorized in order that they were effecting these “vaqueriles” work.

Therefore it is of understanding the skill of these riders, blacks or mulatos, as Careri and Alamán were indicating. And this way they were exhibiting it in bank holidays as San Juan, on whom it was meeting I initiate the compilation or I make a detour of the cattle, chord with indicated by ordinance of Count the Coruña30 in September, 1582, “so that none person does rodeo of cattle until June 25 of every year”, and equally to the conclusion or confinement in the diver of farmhouses of zone, effected nearby in the day of Dead in November.

Event demonstrated when it is known in Puebla de los Angeles the alarm that causes “que [aún] no ha[ya] llegado Juan Bentura, negro esclavo y maiordomo [de los Cortijos] con [precisamente] la quenta de el Rodeo”31 already in the late date as it was November 17, 1702.

This one was the cycle so, of the cattle rodeo, from June to beginnings of November, culminating rightly concerning the catholic festivity of All Saints. To it must be added that the ordinance of given Cattle-owners’ guild in 1574 for the viceroy Martin Enríquez32 ruled that:

[…] a qualquier criador de ganado que quisiere hazer rodeo [llame] para ello hasta quatro o seis dueños de las estancias comarcanas y a sus estancieros y que todos juntos bayan a azer el tal rodeo, y a sacar el ganado que cada uno tuviere de su hierro y a [h]er[r]ar el orejano del multiplico del dicho su ganado, y el que de otra manera herrare y hisiere rodeo yncurra en pena de diez pesos de oro comun por cada caveça de ganado que her[r]are, aplicados segun hordenanças de Mesta.

Such a disposition was repeated almost hundred years later;33 “on that any owner of cattle does rodeos without mentioning the neighbors”. Then it is not difficult to observe that much of the general spirit of Costeña dance of the cowherds, more the byline of the celebration, evokes such a historical event it, is costworth by the oxímoron, extraordinary commonness of the black cowboy and the rodeo Costeño.

In the same sense it is that also it turns out to be feasible to fit the general spirit of almost totality the dance of Devils, so without not knowing that some of the typical elements could be original of the gulf of Guinea, However in Africa, turn out to be fully constitutive of this mulatto novohispano speech cenography of to do dairy.

Because precisely in the past carrying Africans, that perhaps do not go more behind of 1655 if about the Guineana zone speak, in the intellectual baggage received relevancy to incorporate aspects or totalities of the rituals of hunting and obsequies, to the cycle annual of the rodeo novohispano.34 Or upside-down, in these dances that in that one at the time they would have been totally of sub-Saharan mold, studding of the insertion forced in the American history, or more precisely, novohispana, it made them incorporate to this baggage the issues like beings tied to the exercise of the dairy. Of way such that now one and other one are indissoluble aspects of the dances; they are a black Mexican culture, in the sense granted by Roger Bastide.35

Although in both dance manifestations, that of Cowherds and that of Devils, there are many details that, by all appearances and from one point of view strictly choreographic already is relative to the endowment apparel, and choreography, without attending to its marks of the historical event not only chronologically, but also of substratum of the cultural report, they seem to be capable of being interpreted as something inconveniently disarranged to newly exposed. But conference with the binoculars of the historical perspective will show the coherent and consistent relevancy on having shown to be linked, even be indirect and baroquely, to the activity, though only out for considering the exclusive extension or symbolic and really, it was returning, there was understanding, It was assuming and thinking the exercise of the rodeo.

But not only to this can allude these apparent incoherences choreographic, but they concern equally the division of the work vaqueril, the structures of power of the estate and the relation with those of more general, local or regional areas, and the obvious one way of making them effective, for example with the choreographic one but Royal whip hoisted by the Calm one or Lump to punish someone lack in the subordinate; or by means of the diverse given for drink buns to some of the participants. Or, in a similar way, watering of proper portions of the discipline and requirements of the militias of dun, or of the symbolic forms of obedience and subordination proper of the Hispanic stament, which was passing for the finest reverential gradations for with the power realengo: from big up to the vassal, the serf and the slave, and reproduced some of them in this American territory, though to minor scale; in individual in the practised treatments taught among vassals with the major mayor and butlers.

Elements to which it is necessary to add up, to complicate a bit more the picture, the cultural inherited baggage route oral tradition, more the gathered one for the exclusive route watched, a more marked form of the infantile learning, among great others of the elementary ones for information waters molding of the behavior. And nevertheless, so many people some as others always connected to the specifications historical of the life and vicissitudes of the denim black novohispano.

In this respect, it is necessary to read some passages of the dances, basically those where the physical violence is exercised but that in the infantile contest and adult today provokes hilarity, as the symptom or accuse historically of a catharsis, route the laugh, and a symptom of defense towards the adverse thing. Or as buried political jeer, route the irony or the mockery towards the at the time one in force structure of local power. Or perhaps only as record of the “innocuous” simplicity, but that in the multicolored conjunction or levels of overlapping of diverse meaning, in the original one to develop, it was not such, since it would be the ridiculously of the treatment among owners or the representative butlers with vassals, servants and slaves.36

Something that it helps to specify moreover to the blacks and mulattos of the epoch as creators of denim culture, since in the case they exhibit the dances newly mentioned, now already widely spread among aborigens, it is that Francisco Santa María Salinas, long-lived and legitimate Creole of Lo de Soto municipality and with about 92 years piggyback in 200137 – it is to say, with direct recollections that would go perhaps a bit more behind of 1917 but not beyond 1909, year in which it would have born, exempting clearly it is, the knowledge from the chronicles that could the elders have reported him: acquaintances and relatives-, it was indicating emphatically that such dances of Devils and Cowherds, they were proper of Ometepec and of the people Lo de Soto, long ago under the domain of The Farmhouse Los Cortijos.

But even the local adjudicators who differ of this attribution of Don Federico Santa María to the dances, and aim at them like arisen in other peoples, they will not indicate as the source counterfoil to groups of aborigens, which suggests an autochthonous cultural creation negress who uses as simultaneous element, so much of autoidentification since different identity, so one and other one are an indissoluble part of this label of identity. I process this one that it reinforces in another area of social action, the obvious one and identity differs visual fenotip, that be wanted or not, is an element substantial in the daily autoidentity.

[…] la percepción y valoración/asociación que los indígenas mixtecos costeños hacen del ganado, de sus dueños y vaqueros; relacionándoles con el mal, diablos y riqueza; es asunto indudablemente originado por el acto histórico del desarrollo ganadero novohispano y los estragos que ocasionó a las sementeras o tierras labrantías de las comunidades indígenas… por ello se puede decir, sin pecar de audacia, que existe una asociación arraigada en la mentalidad tradicional de la región, entre el diablo y el ganado vacuno.38

Therefore, the dark man of the coast is not the invisible one without adjectives, since there enunciate several ethnic local and foreign militants;39 the dark man Costeño common takes charge, since it cannot happen of other one way, since it is and has been there of centuries, of demonstrating one and again the daily presence against the antagonistic backdrop that they mean half-caste and “whites”, mixtecos, amuzgos or tacuates, etc. Different identity treats itself about an old historical aspect already caught and born witness in diverse books and writings of 19th century, among others for Carlos Maria de Bustamante, or Lucas Alamán.

And already in the XXth for Basauri40, Aguirre Beltrán41, Antonio Machuca and who this writes42, besides Laura Lewis and Bobby Vaughn.43

It means, and seeing it upside-down, without aborigens there would no be autoidentity of “blacks”, both colonial categories escamoteadoras of the particularity. Today atavism, that long ago Bustamante was synthesizing this way: “The blacks finished with the Indians, of whom they are natural enemies.”44

Such a pretension is re-updated nowadays by the pristine statement of some intellectual natives of the area that occupies us, they declare again and again that they are not Indian nor Nopal eaters.45

The one that in the dance of the Devils is danced loudly, with kicked stout, energetic, it raises powder, and with long duration, is in order that indians see the force and power of the black, as me indicated a dark man of Farmhouses. To think completely identically exactly with what they were praying those ideological triangles novohispanos, of which a black was costing what three or four Indians.

Because of it, it is that such dances can be had as documents Kinetic forjantes and conformantes of the social historical documents. Living of the peoples who in this origin were lacking the deep one social division of the work and of wide demographic density, for what it was not necessary to resort to the testimonies with pretension of being indelible to Kronos’s interferences and for it in supports of role, skins or stone. In other words, such a dramatic art Kinesis is the re-updated history, which can be read in several senses nevertheless that in the synchronous development of the execution they all are superposed, of analogous form to the immediate iconographic speech of a baroque altarpiece.

But in short they are not another thing that the tacit recognition and simultaneous, or in act, of the link towards the past from the current importance of the present, or the books of history that some of them choose to read, which I do not share, as cancellation of the historicity in so much circular commemorations.46 And in them so, the exercise of the dairy vaqueria is present.

For this exercise it is that it must not be had for weakly to argue that even it does not make very much as emblem of Mexican, the rustic speech, finds the more important and strong cultural precedent exactly in these labors recovered fundamentally by the blacks and mulattos of the stays of major cattle, and in minor quantity for Spaniards and half-caste; so tycoons owners of the cattle or ranchers never hurried along, nor did rodeo, confinement or fence of the cattle of a major way or as fuse theirs vital principle. It is for it that also is coherent to say that for many people supposed Yankee invention of the rodeo Texan, it finds the cultural immediate precedent it has born in a territory long ago novohispanic.


In the colonial epoch one was constituting of several messes, or to be more precise, one of several stays of the estate of the Farmhouses, belonging as it was said already, to the primogeniture of the Marshall of Castilla. And between ends of the 17th century and the first decade of the XVIIIth farmhouses it was administered by the black butler Juan Ventura, in some documents typified as slave47 and that of Cuajinicuilapa in turn it was for a free mulatto of whom his name is ignored, do not name: “Zisneros”. Butler apparently in the same one space of 1702 of La Estancia Grande, today municipality. Surnames of both held administrators, about ninety years later, for inhabitants of “Cuajinicuilapa” savers to the church of calves, colts and fillies, as they appeared in the poll collectors Don Jose Alemán, Antonio Baños and Sebastián Chora.48

The captain Juan de Arizcún and Veitorena, apparently administrator or general book-keeper in the city of Puebla of the household tasks of the coast, did not agree very with the owner at the time, Mayorazga Mariscala de Castilla Juana de Luna y Arellano, of supporting them as administrators.

So it was notifying according to him in August Of 1702 , Haciendas (siendo de las mejores del Reino) corren en grande declinación no obrando con fidelidad los administradores mulatos a la confianza que de ellos se açe, bendiendo, unos y otros, muchas bacas en diferentes partes y en particular en el pueblo de Pinotepa del Rei, no asistiendo a las faenas y a lo que es de la obligación de cada uno por los selos de cer reserbados [categoría tributaria] muchos de los esclabos y sirbientes, [o] por ser los unos hijos; yernos; compadres o aficionados. Escasándoce [¿escusándose?] los otros que no tienen estos privi(f.1v)lexios,… no asisten a hacer milpas de mais y solo se atienden a hacerlas de algodón para su ynterés, dexando por entonces de asistir a sus primeras obligaciones de rodear los ganados y de reparar corrales,… que casi en el todo están rotos y desmenbrados como si no los hubiera, y que la hacienda de Coajiniquilapa está casi instinguida por estar a cargo de uno que es echura y aficionado de Juan Bentura y que éste, como Juan Domíngues y otros, se solapan y dicimulan las malas fechorías y que unos y otros juegan y tienen otros bicios y que solo es libre de todas estas culpas el que tiene a cargo la Estancia Grande, como también otros algunos, no çiendo todos malos… Que el año pasado, biniendo con la partida [de toros] bendieron no sé si 40 más o menos en Tonalá, a un gachupín [sic] para el partido de Teguacán, y de esta falla no me ase grande fuerça, pues el año pasado aviéndome dicho Bentura u otros, que sacaron de la Costa mil çiento y tantos de los que apenas llegaron aquí como mil, diciéndole yo cómo traía tanta falta, me dixo que algunos se avían juido, otros desbarrancado y que en el monte de Tepeje se avían perdido una porción, y conçiderando que los pocos que traen, bienen a discreçión de negros y mulatos, enbié ayer de mi motibo a uno de confianza, con órden los fuese a encontrar y que pasando más adelante, biniese en pos de ellos con pretestos siniestros, obserbando sus procedimientos con toda vixilancia, asta una jornada de esta ciudad. Señora, aquellas haciendas requieren grande reforma antes que se acaben de perder, para cuio mejor efecto, V[uestra] Señoría, consultára con persona, o personas prudentes y desapaçionados, y que en este particular tenga alguna Curia…

But La Mariscala was not agreeing with this to seem, since it was clear that for the intercession of this Juan Ventura with the blacks and mulattos of the household tasks of Farmhouses it was surpassing in the accumulation of more territory; since they were using him as top of lance to round the spoliation that juridically was trying to win, to I exhort and insist of the proper captain Arizcún and Veitorena,49 against the butler of Tlacamama, dona Maria Salmerón, in the lands known like Motillas.

Invasion begun to so that she was inheriting the title of Mariscala from her father, the Marshall Carlos Antonio de Luna y Arellano, deceased in 1696 and the one who before the decease was renting from 1689 lands of Farmhouses and Atoyaque to such a Jose De Salazar.50

How was invasion taking place? the cattle was the key: it was left free, so pretext of to shrivel, and along with them the black keepers were settling themselves to the same pace of the animal that grazes. To the reprimands of the main major motion, asking:

Gobernadores y alcaldes y rrejidores y demás mandones deste pueblo y cabezera de Pinotepa del rrei… por la bejación que se sigue al dicho pueblo y su sujeto que es el pueblo de Jicaltepeque, pedimos y suplicamos [dar?]nos un mandamiento para Josephe Ypólito que tiene cantidad de yeguas y bacas, y otros sujetos del mismo lugar de los Cortijos nos asen daños las cosechas en el puesto de Motilla que son tierras deste casicasgo adonde sienbran [los indios] mais y algodón de donde sacan para pagar sus rreales tributos [roto el documento] y lo demás necesario de su menester para serbir sus fiestas … [sin data y rubricado por] Gobernador Juan Cabr [roto el documento] y Alcalde, Melchor Quiros.51

Juan Ventura was facing the saying that: “desde que tenemos uso de razón emos conozido [ser esas tierras en] poder del señor Mariscal y en esta atenzión las defenderemos asta los linderos”. Y como refuerzo de su argumentación apuntaba ante el alcalde mayor, conde de la Moraleda, para no actuar como instaban los indios: “Yo me olgara fuera cosa en que llo pudiera deliberar para servir a Vm en todo, pero son cosas de mi amo quien me tiene echa entera confianza y no puedo pasar por ello. Cortixo y diziembre 16 de 1699.”52

But who was this free mulato Josephe Ypólito? A freeloader, as many, many others that were coming to the estate of the Mariscalato. And Ventura was defending them designated by Joseph in some documents and Juan in others.

Joseph Hypólito pasta sus yeguas en dichas tierras con consentimiento mío como los demás arrimados destas haziendas. Si el haverles dado [a los gobernadores indios] Antonio Domínguez [el otro mulato al que alude Arizcún como Juán Domínguez mayordomo de la estancia de Quajinicuilapa] consentimiento a que sembraran unos pedazos de milpa en Motilla es causa para su ynquietud, atiendan a que fue debaxo del pagto [sic por pacto] de que habían de acorral[ar] y poner guarda porque a la yeguada ni cavallada se les siguiese perjuicio ninguno…53
Fírmalo Joseph Bentura en misiva de letra clara y fi rme trazo, en Cortixos el 29 de noviembre de 1699.

It was a secret to voices among settlers, administrators and justices’ places that many of these freeloaders were fled vagabonds and slaves. But in a similar way happened with the people before the Oaxaqueño town of Our Lady of Guadalupe of Amapa’s blacks, with the ingenuities of Cordova54, the presence was tolerated because it was convenient; in this case to the major mayor of Teutila, Fernandez de Otañez.55 Since with them it was controlling the local market, especially of the vanilla. In case of La Mariscala, to control means of production on having restricted the access to the land costeña for intercession of the blacks that there could used thanks to her protection.

It is clear that in this it is very sure that La Mariscala Luna y Arellano was not innovating, but only she was continuing the former one to come from her ancestor in law Mateo de Mauleón when this one decided to extend lands of the ancestor at the time estate of the Farmhouses, La Estancia of major cattle of Buena Vista, against lands of Indians of Igualapa, Ometepec, Tlacolula and Huehuetlan.56 And it is that the land of summer pasture, sea-currents and saladeros they were turning out to be vital to supply of bovine meat to the cities of Puebla and Cholula, whose town halls for 1576 they nominated him a supplier and manager of the butcher’s shops; perhaps as indemnity for the loss of Officer Mayor57 salable employment for the city of Los Angeles, for which bid without success in 1565, and probably also it relieved this bureaucratic unease to be already for 1579 major mayor of Xicaian.58

This way then, to take the cattle without it was getting weak for hunger and be to such places of slaughter, Mauleón had to possess several intermediate places of supply or stays. This one is the reason of the wreckage towards the Indo-American etnias that had the misfortune of arable attached lands to the way that the father-in-law of Mauleón, Tristán de Luna Y Arellano59, in his moment agent of several villages in the line that goes of the coast to Huajuapan, opened with the support and consent of the viceroy Antonio De Mendoza -Uncle of his daughter-in-law.

I have here in recount one of the principal reasons historical materials of the reciprocal heteroidentity pejorative, and long ago troubled beyond the verbal thing, between blacks and indians; fights visible even today in the persistent claims and virulent zeals of the limited autorreputados afromexicanos for repudiating what symbolically he has handled the state ideology, long ago after revolucionary, as the apex of the symbol identity nationally, the symbol of the abstract or fantastic Indian.

The cimarronaje as a proposed identity emblem.

Seeking to promote a heteroidentity beyond the local thing that it does not reduce and yes improve the self-esteem, several promoters of that to the “blacks” of the Costa Chica considers them to be another etnia more of the country they reinforce the demand appealing to the wild prowess that, as symbol, evokes a reading, immediate and simplified but effective, of round opposition to the Spaniard domination. Because of it, It is in the spectrum radio electrical locally “El Cimarrón. The voice of afromestizos”, or the newspaper “El Cimarrón”, or the artistic set “Los Cimarrones”, which head indicated: “we come from the slaves that were escaping to the mountains; because of this the group is called this way”.60

To obtain this argumentative effect the challenges are brought to collation And Yanga’s combats to the colonial government, but the terms are omitted of the negotiation in which it reached the reduction to village of the gatherings, since it would be the capture and delivery of any fled black that it was coming to the places, or the service that as militiamen they had to give to the king on coasts Veracruzanas. Or, as García de León61, found the capture and slaves’ sale carried out by the Yanga’s son. Since equal Our Lady of Guadalupe happened with those who founded of Amapa’s Blacks, in the east Oaxaqueño.

On the other hand, more the assumed positive value than the education governmental has given to the independence event also nourished of Manichean partial readings, since invoking only to the blacks joined the hosts of the generalissimo Them Dwell, but cancelled those who him or his hosts faced; for example, slaves commanded by Rionda and Jose Maria Añorve on the Costa Chica against the insurgent brigadier Michael Bravo; or in La Canada Oaxaqueña those of Güendulain’s trapiche against also black insurgent Valerio Trujano; or the blacks of the battalions of uninhabited, privateers of Iturrigaray-, allow to see why it can be as offer of emblem identity to appeal to the cimarronaje.62

Besides the previous thing, all this strategy of sense reaches relevancy while rests in the postulate extracted from Aguirre Beltrán’s text on Cuijla, where the author, when it did his fieldwork, qualified the ethos of violence in the region as atavistic legacy of the cimarronaje. Thesis that it tried to prove when it aimed that to the collectors hacendarios of newly released 19th century they was arduous and even impossible to gather among the blacks and mulattos the royal taxes, in view of “the complex of aggressive hostility between whites and aborigens”.

If there looks held up the documentary tried evidence for the author of the “ethnographic sketch”, and not round research as himself-critically unsatisfied in turn he appeared, they prove two sources to which it appeals to support the wild presence in Cuajinicuilapa. First: an affirmation to a certain extent free for the zone, “the black cores that in Mexico still can be considered to be like such, they derive precisely from the cimarrons that reacted against the slavery and were kept at liberty thanks to the creation of a violent and aggressive ethos in the culture that did of the fearsome subjects”63 Comes second: colonial Sources that would tell64 the presence of “escaped cimarrons, but in this case there are no references that directly link Cuajinicuilapa. Three mentioned ordinances are: that of Martin Henrríquez of November 6, 1579, where in generic triangle speaks of blacks fugos of “the city of the Veracruz and its region, and between Oaxaca’s city and Huatulco’s port, and in the province of Panuco, Almeria and Tlacotalpa and others”, to that it would surrender to ablation of the testes if they were captured; more the promulgated ones in mandates of don Luis de Velasco, the young boy, and the count of Monterrey, touching equally to fugos of Huatulco. It is not any more, and less on Cuajinicuilapa. It is strange that in the only ones two documents that I have found relative to cimarrons – geographically much more nearby to Cujinicuilapa that the alluded ones for Aguirre Beltrán for Huatulco. They are a couple of comisions65 given to the captain Ochoa de Ugarte,” Judge of comissión against the wild blacks of the Coast of the sea of the south”, one of 1609 for the transfer of the black Juan Domínguez from Jamiltepec’s jail to that of Mexico, for the concealer’s cargo of Cosme, “black captain of the zimarrones and salteadores”, and ravisher of an indies; other one, of 1611, was relating to the black Juan Maximiliano, also prisoner in the same Jamiltepec’s jail for concealment of one that had done escape of the dungeons of Mexico and he had been a reprobate to galleys. In both, it is not mentioned for nothing to Cuajinicuilapa’s stay like redoubt of cimarrons.

To the marriage of this black Juan Maximiliano with Dominga, with two thirty-year-old children of age, Michael Moreno and Francisco, Creoles both of the city of Merida it is ignored if that of Yucatan, or the Spanish woman, or the Venezuelan-, was considering him for 1593, that is to say nine years before his capture, an old marriage. Of way that the judge of commission would transport to the dungeon of Mexico one elder, robust chance of intellectual sagacity, but reduced already of his physical skills that were allowing to imagine it I list to attack the armed fights that at once the wild term associates in the sense used by the doctor Aguirre.

Juan Maximiliano was working in the household tasks of cattle that had the racionero of the cathedral of Puebla, Pedro Rodríguez Pinto66, benefited also from Tlaxcala. One of them to the side of Del Rio de la Arena, other one nearby toEl Rio Verde, distant in the southern part like kilometers of Cuajinicuilapa. And it was so before this seudosacro male, it is to say, his owner, that Juan Maximiliano “discovered and asked he was trusting”; today we would say that it autobetrayed, perhaps route christens confession, whose sacred one I secrete obviously the clergyman did not respect.

On the other hand, it is necessary to indicate, in view of the previous thing more what it follows, that not always the wild term denoted necessarily, but also the free one might be applied to the slave escaped to the mount rural servant, who today would be synonymous of peasant.

This way they it show the couple of following cases: the punishment that in 1603 one gave him for drinking in Puebla de los Angeles to “Manuel Negro Cimarrón que contraviniendo los mandamientos y hordenanças que lo proyben el suso dicho traya cuchillo con punta” estando en la plaza pública de esa ciudad. His sorrow consisted not of castration, since it was to be expected for a Cimarron or Fugo [in limited sense, according to ordinances, since] “Diego de Hinestrosa Vargas aviendo visto esta causa dixo que condenava y condenó al dicho Manuel Negro en tres pesos de oro común para el alguacil que lo prendió; y por estar enfermo le perdona los açotes, y mandó se le notifi que de aquí adelante no sea osado a traer cuchillo con punta so pena del rrigor de la hordenança” (relative to the armed blacks).

In some form takes charge for being a Cimarron, there nor is allusion someone to escape; not that will be returned to his owner, since he is not a slave. Therefore there is no accomplishment that his owner pays for him, since the use of the term does not designate to the black fled, but to the black rural.67 The same thing happens in 1703, hundred years after capture of this black Manuel, in populates, when the captain Arizcún and Veitorena reports to La Mariscala de Castilla that he will send of the estate of the Farmhouses a couple of mulatto “Cimarron” girls. That to be such could not trust in their cooking’ skills for what they are requested by La Mariscala.68 A mulatto slave, Santiago, carried similar movement of other two young girls, sending them to Mexico from Farmhouses, out one year before, on July 27; cost of the trip, three pesos. But also the work was happening inversely: “Para remitir a la costa a la mulatta Anttonia dí para el gasto de tres cavallos; dos pesos y cinco reales” 69.

Therfore the term Cimarron used in relation with Juan Maximiliano could be indicating more as the rústicus that as rebellious. With this one with major probabilities if we unite this to the information of which “he revealed” “himself” before the racionero, that is to say, his owner. How can he be a cimarron if he stays with his owner? Matter only understandable if it is accepted that with this term one is indicating him as rural slave. Such considerations allow to introduce legitimate doubt it brings over of to what cimarrons one is alluding in certain document, especially for the Costa Chica, if to the irritated one I escape of the owner or exclusively to the rustic serf. And even be able to be thought about many people about these slaves extracted from rural natal soil to incorporate them to domestic urban service, since chance they might exemplify transport them of the rural slaves of La Mariscala to the urban land and to inverse.

On the other hand, for the point in inquiry it is not a minor matter that Huatulco (from where is said that the Cimarron slaves come). If a straight line is marked towards Cuajinicuilapa near 235 kilometres, the distance is not easy for the Cimarron to cross by foot, especially when it was not a straight distance and is rough in mountain paths with impenetrable vegetation, as it shows today. So to reach Cuaji is difficult and crossings of several mighty rivers, which in the colonial epoch were recognized were impassable in the rain season. In addition, such traffic implies giving certainly the necessary previous knowledge of the territory of the one who would direct Cuajinicuilapa. In addition, such topography kept the inhabitants isolated at least for four months, which would increase this distance in several leagues if it was looked to ford them; and it is not very credible, so, that was causing the prompt one traffic towards Cuaji.

That it was inducing to immobility more than to the antipode as it can be understood in some interviews made in the 90’s in towns as Nuevo, the exdistrito of Tututepec, Oaxaca and Piedra Ancha. Where it was recognized by the elders of both towns -with about 60 or 70 years of age-, memories they had of the fourth or third decade of last century, that because the distances among the villages was so extensive, that they rather married only among those of the locality.

So that not even the search of pair it was encouraging them to distant displacements and the enormous migrations only happened immediately after natural disasters ( Tsunamis, floods), or social (wars, since those of the revolution). Certain, the colonial pursuit was great spur for the geographical mobility, but also very onerous since to disable it. Moreover, it seems rather that the same topographic conformation of the Costa Chica encourages the migration towards the south, more than towards the north. I aim at it because I have found some mulattos of the Farmhouses that arrived to the Soconusco.70

In a similar way, the analysis of black persons migratory flows, that in the 19th century are identified in the census of 1889,71 shows that the dominant displacement is towards the south, from the Guerrero state towards the southern coast of Oaxaca, either following the hunt or other matters. Considering that two of 3 viceregal ordinances-1591 and 1599- mentioned by Aguirre Beltrán, and that are only documents against the cimarrones as the one of 1579, actually they testify more their continuous presence in Huatulco than their dispersion towards Cuajinicuilapa in the space of 20 years.

It is until 1699, on the occasion of the mentioned lawsuit for lands of Motillas between the black butler Juan Ventura and the Indians of Pinotepa, that citing documents in evidence are known of the freeloaders in the farmhouses of Cortijo, inferable between them that of Cuajinicuilapa. And this argues in the complaints, in presence of the major mayor, without embarrassment and with naturalness, his administrator, the black or mulatto, slave or not, Juan Ventura.

If such freeloaders were Cimarrones, in the political or rebellious sense, as it commonly has been wanted to read the term, it would be alarming to tell the major mayor; and more suspicious even that this one has not said anything on the matter to his superiors. It is important to remember that, for ordinances, there was money as a reward for the one who was denouncing and capturing the fugitives. In the already mentioned writing of 1702 directed to La Mariscala, the captain Juan de Arizcún y Veitorena was urging the Estanciera to throw out of their households all the freeloaders; though knew that between them there were several fled of his owners, they are not named cimarrones. It is enough with this to insist, so, that in the colonial epoch the term Cimarron not always was synonymous of belligerent black, but was also to describe the free or slave.

As a precedent, I follow the thread of the investigation in terms of the argumentation of the ethos of violence that doctor Aguirre Beltrán tries to sustain, for whom ethos shows continuity from the last quarter of the 16th century, -byline of the mentioned ordinances of the viceroy Henrríquez against Huatulco’s fugitives,- up to beginnings of the XIXth, adducing for it the supposed fear that this culture of violence derived from the cimarronaje it infused the collector of taxes Jacinto de Ledos. Let’s say, in first term, that that mentioned by Aguirre, does no seem to be create fear but precaution; Secondly, that this fear is not of the commissioner subdelegate Ledos but of the general manager of Justice, don Mariano Santiago de Lecuanda. Third, the author of Cuijla does not bear in mind the probable inexperience or experience in such occupations of that Lecuanda, so anyone that observes thoroughly the arguments that exist in several polls of the branch of taxes brings over of the determinant role that in it has the experience of the collector, it might see that this one is a decisive factor for the success or failure of the tax collection.

In 1791 the collector of the zone was Diego Rodríguez De Meza72, not Lecuanda, which speaks about his inexperience. And considering this I add the matters that bring the collection of taxes from before the entry of the Bourbon reforms, in addition the edict and application of them in 1786, plus negotiations that to his contour they did across his attorneys, often his captains, the dun and mulatto militiamen, that exactly they were for the tax concession that was meaning to belonging to the rural militias of the whole Coast, from Tehuantepec to Tecuanapa; I judge necessarily, for all that, doctor Aguirre Beltrán will have to modify his judgment “for ends of the colonial epoch, all the inhabitants of Cuijla … were kept in the same attitude of aggressiveness and enemy opposition towards the governmental civil servants, that his forbears …. His number, certainly, was major and, therefore, the danger that they were representing for the foreign dominator had increased”.73

Apart from the anachronism of having them as foreign dominators, own point of view of the postindependent period but not of the colonial one, I mention other two arguments in favor of my appraisal of that Aguirre Beltrán oversized the weight granted to ethos of violence like atavistic consubstantial element to the personality of the cuijleño. They are two testimonies of the 19th century, the own one of the decade of 1820 and other one of 1890, for what a space happens of 70 years between one and the other.

Murguía y Galardí indicated in 1821 the little reluctant they were to pay their debts. They pay also the blacks to his outfitters; if they have received money anticipated for the benefit of the fruit. More then for the common thing, the collection of him the outfitter finances them… Black guards so vigorously the right to restore this one that will not have a pound in favor of other one, up to not covering the seed”74. If this is true, it turns out to be curious, but also symptomatic, that in only 20 years has been modified by root this reluctant and violent behavior generated in little less of 300 years of cultural genetics. Or the Independence worked miracles, or Murguía was in another planet, or Aguirre Beltrán overestimated. I incline for the last thing.

Let’s see the second testimony, 69 years after that of Murguía y Galardí; that of Dionysus Magro, political chief of the district of Jamiltepec. In 1890 it was aiming that “…in spite of the general ignorance that reigns among the blacks, is obvious, with surprise, the sweetness of the character, since they are attentive, obedient and very fulfilled with everything what the authorities arrange them, that is to say, everything what corresponds to them as citizens”.75

Let’s add one more doubt. If this violence, since Aguirre Beltran was thinking, was the emblem of the crowd of negroes Costeña, at the time – given that generally are the men who fight-, why was not in his exercise reflected a major number of widows? On having compared his relative numbers with those were in the Indigenous peoples and half-caste fronteros76 the phenomenon did not turn out to be relevant. The details of the matter are in old published work between Ethel Correa and that of this pen, with information extracted from one census of 1889 that for our fortune had the tact of interrogating for the “race”. Certain that the information does not belong to Cuajinicuilapa but to inhabitants of what they were lands or, more precisely, messes of the estate of Las Haciendas, in this case La Estancia, since in this case also it was Cuaji. The aborigen town compared was Yosocani, more withdrawn from the sea towards the saw, therefore more protected or zone of refuge, and the “mixed” or half-caste settlement of Estanzuela.

Our check produced the surprising result, looking for Aguirre Beltrán’s aforesaid premises, of that the major percentage of widows with regard to the total of family members of the localities mentioned it belonged to the indigenous village to Yosocani, with 4.6 women’s percent widows. On the other hand, the mixed of Estanzuela and the blacks of Estancia proved to be equal with 3 percent. Of them; it is to say, numbers that do not incline the axiology scale substantially in one or another sense. According to the ethos of violence measured for allegedly valid indicator of widowhood, all they would be equal of violent, except the Indians, who it would be furthermore. Certain that also this indicator is not completely trust, since not only for violence the husbands die.

Finally, if the precedents of the 18th century are brought to collation on the reticence to paying taxes between the afrosuccesors costeños, there will be granted the overestimation of such an ethos of violence and, therefore, the fragile thing of using it as laudable intellectual flag of contemporary identity.

In one of many appeals and complaints that for militiamen of provincial and free companies of the coast of the sea of the South it had towards the Royal Bourbon Estate, scarcely they knew a base forming new poll for their general pays of increased taxes that were trying to apply to them immediately after the fiscal reforms of 1786, it distinguished itself, in power granted by the mulatto and dun militiamen of Igualapa, which were exempt from this contribution in reason of a consent taken time behind, in 1761, in consideration to the militiamen free services given to the king and countersigned in a curse77 directed the gentleman fiscal for Joaquin Antonio y Tagle in September 13th of 1773 in representation:

f.18: los capitanes, ofi ciales y soldados de las compañías de pardos y morenos libres de los pueblos de Ometepeque e Ygualapan, y de las es tancias de Juchitlán, San Nicolás, Maldonado, Gueguetlan [Huehue tlan] y Cuajiniquilapan, todos de la jurisdicción de Ygualapan…” [los que tienen la carga y cuidado de dos vigias en la costa del mar del sur que se extiende por más de treinta y seis leguas en que diariamente ocupan ocho hombres que ban armados y mantenidos a su costa ellos y sus cavallos…” [solicitan se les] “relevase del medio tributo que hasta entonces [1761] havían pagado… en vista de todo, la superioridad de V[uestra] A[lteza] con anuencia del señor fiscal en compensación de los servicios hechos y continúan haziendo, declaró libres a mis partes de la contribución del Real Tributo […]

But in 1773 it seems that again they want to be recognized under the argument of which the provincial militias had been ordered to extinguish.

In his discharge, and among other things to justify, to countersign and to reinforce the request of his exemption, said that, beside being militiamen, they had managed to pay the half tax, this is, 12 Reales or peso and a half, unlike the militiamen of Xicayán and Tlapa. Moreover, even, years behind, in the thirteenth decade, for abuse of the mayors, the complete tax. Unlike them of those two provinces, this completely had been exempt.

All these militias, this way of “infantry” as of cavalry of dun lancers and that to the season were shaping the watchtowers of the Coast in today it divides limit between Guerrero and Oaxaca, they were adding 26 for the year of 1793. Nine of mulattos and six of Spanish for Xamiltepec, while for Ometepec 17 they were those of mulattos and two of Spaniards.

The maritime watchtower of Tapextla el Alto assigned to Xamiltepec it must be attended in 1783 for the militiamen of Tapextla, together with those of the estate the Farmhouses and those of the settlement of Santo Domingo. Those of Ometepec, which were that El Alto San Nicholas and that of Maldonado, would touch the militiamen of the mess of Saint Nicholas and of “Quajiniquilapa”, to whom they would add in time of drought of Maldonado, three sites even it departs from the property of the Farmhouses of the tenth marshall of Castilla: Francisco de Paula Luna Gorráez y Medina, Beaumont y Navarre, Ramirez de Arellano, Tobar, Godínez, Echaide y Mauleón. 78

In 1791 militiamen were writing the ends to the commander of these militias, before the compulsions of the royal collectors:

Sr. Justicia… Ya nos es imposible sufrir a los capitanes y oficiales de pardos de estas compañías lo que apuran a la jente los cobradores de tributos, y lo que quieren que nosotros agamos con los que podemos coger, los pocos que rozan para su mais y algodón, como los seguimos se huyen y pierden su trabajo dejando botadas las mujeres e hijos, y de los que están en los apuntes; los más se [h]an muerto y [se] uyeron cuando les apuró nuestro alcalde mayor Don José Meza. Acosamos nuestros mismos hijos como lo azen hahora peor, los cobradores de V[uestra] m[erced] 79

In another missive of the same year the ends and lieutenants of the militiamen dun of Xamiltepec they were countersigning his major mayor, Amaro Roca, the fruitless of his task to obtain the taxes, because:

[…] estos mulatos son todos soldados que asen su vixía y demás que andan en servicio de nuestro rey. Y son todos tan pobres como lo sabe su merced, que no les alcanza su trabajo para comer; asta los que están en la lista, porque los apuramos se ullen. Lo que nosotros queremos es que Vm nos quite esta cobranza como lo pedimos a su antecesor con una representación que mandó al Sr. Virrey, que no hemos [aún] tenido razón ninguna della, y así comisione V[uestra] m[erced], [quien lo pueda hacer] B[eso] l[a] m[ano] su más obedientes serbidores los ofi ciales y capitanes de los pardos desta provincia. Huazolotitlan y Febrero 20 [17]91.80

The same topic of the insolvency for poverty for the pays of royal tax, besides the argument of the exemption in their quality of militiamen, topic was turning out to be an unvariant or strategy. Up to before 1801, byline of the document chosen by Aguirre Beltrán to show the rancidness of the violent ethos. The collector was indicating his subdelegate, Don Amaro Gonzalez of Mesa.

Mui señor mío. No he cobrado cantidad ninguna de Tributos en el año anterior a los Pardos de este partido, [de Xamiltepeque] porque es constante su insolvencia a resultas de no haver cojido cosecha de al godones, ni maises en el tiempo de tres años que se han perdido sus sementeras. Y a más de esto, alegan el puntual servicio al Rey como tam bién, el que haviéndose muerto algunos, muchos más se hallan huy dos. Lo que aviso a Vm. Para su inteligencia. Dios N[uest]ro S[eñ]or Gu[ard]e la vida de V[uestra] m[erced] muchos años. Cortijos y febrero 17 de 1791- Diego R[odrígue]z de la Vega81

Other in the same order:

Por más que estrecho mis advitrios para la cobranza de el Real Tributo a los pardos, negros y mulatos de los pueblos que ha puesto a mi cargo, todas mis diligencias se hacen infructuosas. De los matriculados son infi nitos los muertos y huydos. Y de los que hay noticia existen aquí, al solicitarlos o se retiran a los montes o se pasan a otras jurisdiziones, como han hecho siempre en tiempo de los anteriores de V[uestra] m[erced]. Y ni aún valiéndose de los capitanes de su misma clase, he podido conseguir cobrarles un real, avergonzándome ciertamente al hazer presente a Vmd. tal imposibilidad. Pinotepa del Rey, Josef Barroza [rúbrica].82

Concerning removing the violence as reason of the uncollectibility district attorney, is eloquent the testimony of the captain Benito Perez, formulated on the occasion of verifying the reasons of the tributary delinquency on the coast of the sea of the South:

[…] procuré y conseguí combencer a los dóciles negros y mulatos de dicha Costa de la obligación en que está todo vasallo de concurrir a las urgencias del Estado, y particularmente los del curato de Huaxolotitlan, jurisdicción de Xamiltepec, que es el partido de más numerosa negrada, y que en el concejo de los justicias y otros sujetos preocupados, son los más feroces e insubordinados. Estos vezinos se distinguieron más, dando una prueba de amor al soberano en el hecho de haver recoxido cada uno el dinero que havía dado para los gastos que caussase el solicitar en esta capital la exepción del tributo, pero al mismo tiempo me rogaron con lágrimas, manifestase a V[uestra] E[xcelencia] la miseria en que viven y trabajo con que adquieren el corto y miserable sustento. Exercicios penosos en que se emplean; obediencia y prontitud con que sirven, y por último los motivos en que hasta ahora havían fundado el considerarsse exentos de la expresada paga.83

To this series of appeals and recognitions, with which more than hundred pages might be filled, his spirit will be able to qualify them of everything less of suggestive of some “danger” or seam forces, since yes it qualified for the part Aguirre Beltrán the one that mentioned in the failure in the collection of taxes of the year 1801. And it is necessary to insist that these writings or representations, for me mentioned, turn out to be completely consistent with the appraisals, already mentioned behind and spilt if 95 years after the date of the documents demonstrated by Aguirre Beltrán as evidential of the importance of the oversized one ethos force.


Aguirre Beltrán, Gonzalo, La población negra de México: estudio etnohistórico, México: FCE, 1984.

____________, “Nyanga y la controversia en torno a su reducción a pueblo”, en Jornadas de homenaje a Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, México, IVEC, 1988, pp. 129-135.

____________, Cuijla: esbozo etnográfico de un pueblo negro, México, FCE, 1985 [1958].

Alamán, Lucas, Historia de Méjico desde los primeros movimientos que prepararon su independencia en el año de 1808 hasta la época presente, México, Jus, 1942.

Basauri, Carlos, “La población negra”, en La población indígena de México: etnografía, México, SEP, 1940.

Bastide, Roger, Las américas negras, Madrid, Alianza, 1969.

Gemelli Careri, Giovanni Francesco, Viaje a la Nueva España, estudio preliminar, trad. y notas de Francisca Perujo, México, UNAM, 2002.

Gleaton, Tony, “Africa’s legacy in Mexico”, en Terra, vol. 34, núm. 5, septiembre/octubre 1997.

Guijo, Gregorio M., Diario, 1648-1664, 2 vols., M. Romero de Terreros (ed.), México, Porrúa, 1953.

Gutiérrez Ávila, M. Ángel, “Migración africana y cultura en la Costa Chica de Guerrero”, en México Indígena, año 2, núm. 13, noviembre/diciembre, 1986.

Iwasaki Cauti, Fernando, “Toros y sociedad en Lima colonial”, en Anuario de Estudios Americanos, Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, vol. XLIX, 1992.

Lewis, Laura A., “Blacks, black indians, afromexicans: the dynamics of race, nation and identity in a mexican moreno community (Guerrero)”, en American Ethnologist, vol. 27, núm. 4 (nov. 2000), pp. 898-926.

Machuca, J. Antonio y J. Arturo Motta, “La danza de los Diablos celebrada en las festividades de muertos entre afromexicanos del poblado de Collantes, Oaxaca”, en Boletín Oficial del INAH, nueva época, núm. 40, 1993.

Mintz, S. y Richard Price, The birth of african-american culture: an anthropological perspective, Boston, Beacon, 1992.

Moedano N., Gabriel, “El corrido entre la población afromestiza de la costa chica de Guerrero y Oaxaca”, en Jornadas de homenaje a Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, México, IVEC, 1988, pp.119-128.

Motta Sánchez, J. A. y J. Antonio Machuca Ramírez, “La identificación del negro en la Costa Chica, Oaxaca”, en Memoria del III Encuentro de Afromexicanistas, México, Universidad de Colima/CNCA, 1993.

Motta Sánchez, J. A. y E. Correa Duró, “Población negra y alteridentificación en la Costa Chica de Oaxaca”, en Dimensión Antropológica, año 3, v. 8, septiembre/diciembre 1996.

____________, “El censo de 1890 del Estado de Oaxaca”, en María Guadalupe Sánchez Carbajal (coord.), El rostro colectivo de la nación mexicana. V Encuentro de Afromexicanistas, Morelia, UMSNH/Instituto de In ves ligaciones Históricas, 1997.

Motta Sánchez, J. Arturo, Fuentes de primera y segunda mano relativas al Mariscalato de Castilla en la Nueva España, 1536-1865 (índice no exhaustivo), México, AGN, 2003.

Naveda Chávez-Hita, Adriana, Esclavos negros en las haciendas azucareras de Córdoba, Veracruz, 1690-1830, México, Universidad Veracruzana/Centro de Investigaciones Históricas, 1987.

Ramos, Samuel, El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, Buenos Aires, Espasa-Calpe, 1951.

Robles, Antonio de, Diario de sucesos notables (1665-1703), Antonio Castro Leal (ed. y pról.), México, Porrúa (Escritores mexicanos, 32), 1946, 3 vols.

Scharrer, B., “El trabajo en la industria azucarera”, en H. Crespo (coord.), Historia del azúcar en México, México, FCE, 1990.

Suárez Blanch, C., “La reconstrucción de la identidad de los grupos negros de México: un recorrido histórico”, en Dimensión Antropológica, vol. 16, mayo-agosto 1999.

Vaughn, B. “Los negros, los indígenas y la diáspora. Una perspectiva etnográfica de la Costa Chica”, en Ben Vinson y Bobby Vaughn (eds.), Afroméxico. El pulso de la población negra en México: una historia recordada, olvidada y vuelta a recordar, México, FCE/CIDE (Historia), 2004.

Vinson, Ben y Bobby Vaughn (eds.), Afroméxico. El pulso de la población negra en México: una historia recordada, olvidada y vuelta a recordar, México, FCE/CIDE (Historia), 2004.

Zavala, Silvio, Libros de asientos de Gobernación de la Nueva España (período del virrey don Luis de Velasco, 1550-1552), México, AGN, 1982.

Author: J. Arturo Motta Sánchez, Dirección de Etnología y Antropología Social, INAH. Translation by Carmen Martí Cotarelo.

  1. Arturo Motta Sanchez, Sources of the first and second hand relative to the Mariscalato of Castilla in the New Spain, 1536-1865 (not exhaustive index), 2003. []
  2. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, “Nyanga y la controversia en torno a su reducción a pueblo”, in Jornadas de homenaje a Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, 1988, 129-135. []
  3. José Antonio Machuca y J. Arturo Motta. “La danza de los Diablos celebrada en las festivi dades de muertos entre afromexicanos del poblado de Collantes, Oaxaca”, en Boletín oficial del INAH, nbr. 40, 1993. []
  4. Among others: Scharrer, B. “El trabajo en la industria azucarera”, en H. Crespo (coord.) Historia del azúcar en México, 1990, t. II, 657; Miguel Ángel Gutiérrez Ávila, “Migración africana y cultura en la Costa Chica de Guerrero”, in México Indígena, nbr. 13, november-dicember, 1986; Claudia Suárez Blanch, “La reconstrucción de la identidad de los grupos negros de México: un recorrido histórico”, in Dimensión Antropológica, vol. 16, may-august 1999. Gabriel Moedano, “El corrido entre la población afromestiza de la costa chica de Guerrero y Oaxaca”, in Jornadas de homenaje a Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, 1988, 119-128. []
  5. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, Cuijla: esbozo etnográfico de un pueblo negro, 1985, 12, 59-60. []
  6. Ibidem, 57. Italics are ours. []
  7. Idem. []
  8. Perhaps the origin of such a tone or ethos and hetero-identificational force should search in the events of the Revolution of 1910 and the combat between facial features zapatistas, trying to make the motto effective “the land is of whom it works it” against the carrancistas refusing their armed route. Heap of these events to which later, surely in imaginary local and regional, should be added the last proper fights of the institutionalized Revolution between agraristas or cardenistas and, again, the landowners or owners of a large estate. Something of the sense of this hypothesis fortifies with the chronological note that Gabriel N. Moedano (op. cit.) does of the appearance of the musical form the continuous one and of this matter, fundamentally in the violent facet on the Costa Chica. This places them coming from the period of the Revolution of 1910. []
  9. J. Antonio Machuca y J. Arturo Motta S., op. cit. []
  10. Carlos Basauri, “La población negra”, en La población indígena de México: etnografía,1940. []
  11. S. Mintz y Richard Price, The birth of african-american culture: an anthropological perspective, 1992, 39. []
  12. Roger Bastide, Las américas negras, 1969. []
  13. Samuel Ramos, El perfil del hombre y la cultura en México, 1951. []
  14. Vinson Ben and Bobby Vaughn, Afroméxico. El pulso de la población negra en México: una historia recordada, olvidada y vuelta a recordar, 2004. []
  15. Frastero Local definition for “Foreigner”. []
  16. Quoted by Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, La población negra de México: estudio etnohistórico,1984, 183. []
  17. Probably was born in the area of Central Africa corresponding to the actual Democratic Republic of Congo. []
  18. Archivo General de la Nación (from now on mentioned as AGN), Inquisición, vol. 308, exp. 16. []
  19. Gemelli Careri, Giovanni Francesco, Viaje a la Nueva España, 2002. []
  20. Degree or title in the Spanish court, mercy to which those who were holding it had the faculty to not uncover the head before the king. []
  21. José María Cossío, Los toros, 1995, 424. []
  22. Guijo, Gregorio M. Diario 1648-1664, 1953; Robles, Antonio de, Diario de sucesos notables (1665-1703), 1946; José Arturo Motta Sánchez, op. cit., ficha 178. []
  23. Iwasaki Cauti, Fernando, “Toros y sociedad en Lima colonial”, in Anuario de estudios americanos, vol. XLIX, 1992. []
  24. AGN, Ordenanzas, año 1601, vol. 2, exp. 97, f. 116. []
  25. José María Murguía y Galardí, Intendente en la clase de los cesantes, “Estadística del estado de Oaxaca”, manuscript, year of 1826. []
  26. Made by Diego Espeso Nuñez, royal accountant. Archivo General del Estado de Oaxaca (AGEOAX), fondo Tesorería Principal, secc. Caja Real, serie Tributos, año 1792. []
  27. Microfilm clasification 7.2.38 (38), fondo Manuel Martínez Gracida de la Subdirección de Documentación, Biblioteca del Museo Nacional de Antropología del INAH. []
  28. Regarding the chase of African sucesors, Lucas Alamán, Historia de México, 1990. t. I, p. 25, quotes: “los hombres que a ella pertenecían endurecidos por el trabajo de las minas, ejercitados en el manejo del caballo, eran los que proveían de soldados al ejército…” []
  29. AGN, Ordenanzas, año 1572, vol. 2, exp. 252. Claro que las ordenanzas se erigieron sobre prácticas antiguas, como se ve en la merced otorgada el 23 de abril de 1551 por “El virrey Velasco en nombre de S.M… a Diego de Guinea, vecino de la ciudad de Guajaca, de un sitio de estancia para ganado mayor en término del pueblo de Guatulco que se dice As catlán,… que en ella podía tener sin daño y perjuicio de los naturales cuatrocientos novillos y docientos potros con que tuviese para la guarda de ellos cuatro negros de a caballo, y que tres días en la semana recojan el ganado en los corrales y en tiempo de las sementeras”. AGN, Libro de asientos, fols.108v, y 109r. en Silvio Zavala, Libros de asientos de Gobernación de la Nueva España (periodo del virrey don Luis de Velasco, 1550-1552), 1982. []
  30. AGN, Ordenanzas, ganados, año 1582, vol. 1, exp. 76, f. 75v. []
  31. J. Arturo, Motta Sánchez, op. cit., ficha 176. []
  32. AGN, Ordenanzas, año 1574, vol.1, f. 24v. yten 67. []
  33. AGN, Ordenanzas, año 1676, vol.6, exp. 26. Virrey Enriquez de Rivera. []
  34. Antonio Machuca Ramírez y J. A. Motta Sánchez, op. cit. []
  35. Roger Bastide, op. cit. []
  36. Similar message re-dresses, for example, the Bolivian dance of “The chiefs” where the staging consists of exhibiting the command of a mulatto on the linked slaves, literally and metaphorically, to the citric production and coprera of The Yungas. []
  37. Interviewed by the author, november 2, 2001. []
  38. Antonio Machuca Ramírez y J. A. Motta Sánchez, op. cit., 35. []
  39. B. Vaughn, “Los negros, los indígenas y la diáspora. Una perspectiva etnográfica de la Costa Chica”, in Ben Vinson, y Bobby Vaughn, op. cit.; Gleaton, Tony. “Africa’s legacy in Mexico”, in Terra, vol. 34, núm. 5, 1997. []
  40. Carlos Basauri, op. cit. []
  41. G. Aguirre Beltrán, op. cit., 1985. []
  42. Arturo Motta Sánchez. y J. Antonio Machuca Ramírez, “La identificación del negro en la Costa Chica, Oaxaca”, in Memoria de III encuentro de Afromexicanistas, 1993. Published with many mistakes and cut in one of its parts —”la pluralidad del mestizaje” (20 y 55.)— wrongly appears as part of the article of Luz Ma. Martínez Montiel,uintitulado “Un imperativo para la educación: reescribir la historia cultural”. Also read Arturo Motta Sánchez y E. Correa Duró, “Población negra y alteridentificación en la Costa Chica de Oaxaca”, in Dimensión Antropológica, año 3, v. 8, sept.-dic. 1996. []
  43. Laura A.Lewis, “Blacks, black indians, afromexicans: the dynamics of race, nation, and identity in a mexican moreno community (Guerrero)”, in American Ethnologist, vol. 27, núm. 4 (nov. 2000), 898-926. []
  44. Historia de la compañía de Jesús en Nueva España /que estaba escribiendo el p. Francisco Javier Alegre al tiempo de su espulsión. Publícala para probar la utilidad que prestará a la América mexicana la solicitada reposición de dicha compañía, Carlos María de Bustamante, individuo del supremo poder conservador. -México, Impr. de J.M. Lara, 1841, t. I, 114. Lucas Alamán, Historia de Méjico desde los primeros movimientos que prepararon su independencia en el año de 1808 hasta la época presente, 1942, t. I. []
  45. In the matter much can be read of the edges of this polemic in the interesting entitled web page The only thing that surprises is that is ignored by the reader who could be the manufacturer of the texts, being indistinct therefore to know if they are reflections of the same person or are diverse points of view of some other individuals. []
  46. Reading that, if one wants to look with eyes of the hipothetical attitude of the romantic blackness, Senghor style, could think that it forms the vehicle of the maintenance of the force or vital halo; common notion, though under different names, to the western Africa sub-Saharan. []
  47. Arturo Motta Sánchez, op. cit., card indexes 168, 174, 175 and 176. []
  48. “Cuenta por menor con distinción de clases de los diezmos de ganados y fructos colectados en todo el año próximo passado de mil setecientos noventa y tres por los recaudadores del; Don José Alemán y don Juan Ogasson”. AGEOax,. Obispado, leg. 14, exp. 30. Diezmos. []
  49. Julio 5, 1702 Arizcún informa a la Mariscala Juana de Luna y Arellano “desiertos títulos que el portador (de la misiva) dize pertenezen a unas tierras que están inmediatas a los Cortixos. Mandará vuestra señoría registrar dichos titulos, los que dize, a pretendido la cacíca de Pinotepa del Rey para judicar las tierras que contienen a los yndios de su pueblo…”; See José Arturo Motta Sánchez, op. cit.,.card index 170. The casica wanted to sell this land to the jesuits of the Colegiode Puebla, who were rentong them. Therefore the debate and litigation. []
  50. José Arturo Motta Sánchez, op. cit., card index 152. []
  51. AGN, Tierras, vol. 2776, exp. 8. []
  52. Ibidem, f. 243r. []
  53. Ibidem, f. 245r. []
  54. Adriana Naveda Chávez-Hita, Esclavos negros en las haciendas azucareras de Córdoba Veracruz, 1690-1830, 1987. []
  55. AGN, Tierras, vol. 3543, exp. 1. []
  56. AGN, Tierras, vol. 48, exp. 6. []
  57. Archivo Municipal de Puebla, vol. 26, doc. 66. f. 139v-156v. []
  58. AGN, Tierras, vol. 2721, exp. 27. []
  59. José Arturo Motta Sánchez, op.cit. 23. []
  60. Eduardo Añorve Zapata, “Bucho Noyola, músico, corridero, cuentero, versero, trovador…y negro”, interview for the newspaper El Sur due to the fact of winning the Premio Nacional de Ciencias y Artes 2001 in the area of Artes y tradiciones populares. The Word Cimarrón was not a part of the popular vocabulary when Aguirre Beltrán made his research in Cuaji. The autor would not have let itpass unless this Word was used in most of the poems and songs that he registered which inluded violent themes. Mostly because he wanted to show and register the Cimarron mentality in the colonial period as being the source for the vioent ethos of the cuijleño. []
  61. Paper shown as part of the seminar “Negros, mulatos y morenos de Guerrero y sus costas; afrodescendientes y diversidad cultural”, 27-29 de abril de 2005, Museo Fuerte de San Diego, Acapulco, Guerrero. []
  62. Lucas Alamán, op. cit,. t. I, pp. 156, 369, y t. III. Genaro García, Documentos históricos mexicanos, 1985. []
  63. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, op. cit., 1985, 12. []
  64. Ibidem, 59. []
  65. AGN, Tierras, vol. 2955, año 1611, exp. 123. f.233r. y vol. 2964, exp. 86, año 1609. []
  66. Takahashi, Hitoshi. “De la huerta a la hacienda: el origen de la producción agropecuaria en la mixteca costera”, in Historia mexicana, vol. XXXI, núm. 1 (121) jul-sep. 1981, 1-77. []
  67. Archivo Condumex, Fondo CXXV/I. Manuscritos. Adjudicación de bienes. Causas criminales y publicación de edictos, doc. 96. []
  68. José Arturo Motta Sánchez, op. cit., fi cha 197. []
  69. AGN, Vínculos y mayorazgos, t. 117, exp. 1, f. 77v. []
  70. AGN, Inquisición, vol. 758. Committed bigamy and was accused by his legitímate wife, of the same chast that followed him. []
  71. José Arturo Motta Sánchez. y E. Correa Duró, “El censo de 1890 del Estado de Oaxaca”, in El rostro colectivo de la nación mexicana, 1997. []
  72. AGN, Tributos, vol. 34, exp. 1, foja: 1-33. []
  73. Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, op. cit., 1985, 61. []
  74. José María Murguía y Galardí, op. Cit. []
  75. Microfilm 7.2.38 (38) of the fondo Manuel Martínez Gracida, Subdirección de Documentación de la Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología e Historia, INAH. []
  76. José Arturo Motta Sánchez y E. Correa Duró, op. Cit. []
  77. AGN, Tributos, vol. 34. “Despacho para que las justicias procedentes y futuras de la provincia de Igualapa, no cobre tributo a los mulatos milicianos de ella, por exonerarse por el auto inserto enteramente de su contribucion y se les declara libres, en compensacion de sus servicios. Poder otorgado por los oficiales de las compañias de pardos lanceros de la provincia de San Juan de Igualapa, para pleitos y los demas a favor de don Juan Sanchez Cazahonda Testigos españoles, informan sobre los servicios que prestan los pardos, en el cuidado de la costa del mar del sur”. []
  78. AGN, Indiferente de guerra, v.483-a; José Arturo Motta Sánchez, op.cit., ficha 287. []
  79. AGN, Tributos, vol. 34, f. 126r. []
  80. 80 Idem. []
  81. Ibidem, f. 121. []
  82. Ibidem, f. 125r. []
  83. AGN, Tributos, vol. 34. []

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