In the colonial world, the holidays guarded a great importance in the daily life of cities and towns. The festivities of Colonial and Independent Mexico provided a tool for the groups in power to legitimize the existing system of domination, strengthen the hierarchical order of society, provide the individuals a formation that shares match with the State Project, thus facilitating the work of domination and confirming, with every celebration, the inalterable perdurability of the society. The symbolic content of the public holiday represents the most finished form of the power and the ideal way to establish, because through it confirmed the significance of authority in the society.
The royal celebration in the late colonial world
The Spanish crown encouraged the celebration of so-called royal events, with profane and religious character, according to a distinctive celebration of the event. The festive day was tending to present religious and political meanings because the social organization was constructed this way. According to the criteria established in the epoch – festive motives, promoting authority, elements and symbols-, there were holidays of political or civil character and religious.1 The nineteenth-century dictionary describes a royal celebration as an event dedicated to a royal person because of marriage, birth, triumphant entry or other reason, to deploy solemnity, magnificence and splendor.2 These festivities celebrated royal births, birthdays or royal marriages, visits of senior officials, appointments of viceroys, governors or bishops; but also there are festive acts to pay tribute to major figures owing to his deceases or to extol out-standing events. On October 20, 1820, in the first anniversary of the royal wedding of Fernando VII with Maria Josefa of Saxony, for example, the political authorities of Merida decorated and illuminated the streets for three days, besides organizing a thanksgiving mass in the cathedral.3
The festivities were important because they constituted a political necessity. To the staging of the urban theater, there corresponded the task of renewing the alliance established between the authority and the people.4 The civil or political commemorations, of obligatory character, were standing out: a) holidays linked with events of the royal family, as the monarch’s oath, births, baptisms, birthday, saints and weddings of some member of the family. b) Holidays associated with the political relations of the monarchy with other powers, as the commemoration of the military victories or the celebration of the alliances. c) Holidays established by protocol, as the reception of Indian authorities or birthday and saints of the viceroys. d) Holidays corresponding to the monarchic and vice royals past like the holiday of san Hipólito, who was commemorating the conquest of Mexico, a crucial event of the colony and argument that legitimizes the control established among the king and his subjects.5
The bells of churches and the cathedral were inseparable companions of royal events. Thus, after the regular touch of bells at noon on May 11, 1789, to honor the death of King Carlos III (December 1788), there were sixty rings of the main bell-half minute intervals between each, followed by peal of bells for an hour.6 The flare rockets and the gunpowder set the scene, while the forces of the garrison were meeting in the main square. On the other hand, in 1789, for example, the chapter of Merida celebrated the coronation of Carlos IV with a series of public events. The clarions and shawmes, processions, masses and soirées, bullfights in the main square were some of the “showy toys that will entertain the public”.7 In addition, in the night of July 31, 1814 the authorities’ of Mérida celebrated with a dance the comeback to the power of Fernando VII, after his exile in France. In solemnity with the monarch, the people of the city of Mérida offered a song in his honor8:
This does not want to say that the holidays represented positive answers to a series of particular events. The colonial civil servants had a wider point of view. The town hall could, when it was estimating prudently, give the society secular holidays without another intention that the public amusements. In the last days of 1800 the Mérida chapter prepared a bullfight for the amusement of the local community.9 The tradition continued after the consummation of the Independence, although some retained their validity, while others disappeared. This means that the parties were not only to commemorate important events, but at times that the authorities considered suitable for the people.
The national holidays in the nineteenth-century Mexico
In the independent Mexico, the royal holidays of colonial origin turned into the so-called national or official holidays, which used to be called court holidays. In the dictionaries of the epoch, the national holiday constitutes an anniversary of the memorable days of the homeland.10 This is not the only change, in the public holidays with motives of the birthday or the acts owing to the death of the holder of government, the welcome ones or officials’ farewells, the ascension to the power; they limited themselves to the celebration of banquets and exclusive meetings of the political elite. The holidays organized in the decade of 1860, in honor of Maximiliano and Carlota or of the Porfiriato, they emphasized occasions of public character very different from those of colonial origin. The bullfight, for example, even if it was considered to be one of the principal festive declarations, in general was excluded from the stage, there being privileged the achievement of dances, masses, volleys and banquets. The holidays of court, like that one of colonial origin, they had between other characteristics to solemnize a mass of thanksgiving. In this ambience, there were fulfilled secular private celebrations (with the participation of the political, economic, social and intellectual classes of the city) and public celebrations (with the participation of the people). The holidays of private order understood a morning meeting in some public building owing to the official toast and the speech relative to the commemoration. According to Jorge Myers, the same customs can be observed in the River Plate region of the decade of 1820. The spread of private meetings, dinners or banquets also tried that after the dinner they were following toasts and numerous formal speeches whose purpose was to defend the government’s motion. The social practice – an exclusive space of sociability and coexistence of the men – became popular among factions and political groups.11 The public celebration, on the other hand, was opened to the city. The diversions were a substantial part of this one, and in general they demonstrate in music, public dances, fireworks and, extraordinarily, in bullfights. The court holidays are an approach of the elite and the people and tend to reflect national unity. The first national festival held in Merida was the proclamation of independence. This happened until Sunday February 3, 1822, when the city awoke with an ornament that distinguished it from the remaining days of the calendar. The neighbors adorned the frontages and doors of their residences because for three days numerous activities would be carried out. In general, there was a festive ambience crowned by a series of popular entertainment organized by the municipal authorities.12 Another important holiday was that of the midday of June 12, 1822, when the city organized banquets, diversions, peal of bells and triple volley of artillery, owing to the proclamation of Agustín de Iturbide as emperor of Mexico.13
The timing of holidays during the first half of the nineteenth century
The repertoire of national holidays began to be built since the proclamation of independence. A month after the first celebration, by decree of March 1, 1822, the city of Merida was warned that in future the celebration of September 16 would have the character of court holiday. The emphasis was focused on the consummation of Independence because it converged with a character of conciliator and unitarily in opposition to the vision of cruel war, violence, lawlessness, looting, destruction and civil strife related to the initiation of the movement. Even if Florescano14 affirms that the iturbidistas eliminated of the calendar September 16, the historical records deny that this day has been suppressed as date of the official calendar. On the other hand, the calendar of holidays incorporated the days of the coronation of the emperor Agustín de Iturbide (May 19), his sanctorale (August 28), birthday and occupation of the Mexico City by the forces of the Army “Trigarante” (September 27). The Congress also approved as national holidays in the days of enactment of the Plan of Iguala (February 24) and oath of the Army Trigarante of the above-mentioned plan (March 2).15 The aggrandizement of the imperial image of Iturbide featured in the foreground, and displayed on the timing of holidays. In addition, a government decree that by virtue of consolidating the national identity the times called “before the conquest” would be named “of the domination of the Spanish”.16 The iturbidistas festivities sought to consolidate the legitimacy of the government and were intended to fulfill task propaganda. For this reason, a more or less incisive search of events and personalities that could be interpreted as the fundamental principle of the legitimacy of the state. There are celebrated, since, the most special events of the exploit of emancipation and the heroes are honored, favoring the legitimization of the elite builder of the new situation and, at the same time, it was granting to the common population the conscience of living through a different epoch.17 The holidays come from the political independent power sparkled in an obvious way in the new times. In this stage, the holidays that had relation with the events distinguished by the Spanish monarchy were replaced with the commemorations of the significant events of the independent reality, that the new order was bidding and they were coherent with the national beginning.18 In Bogota playful similar formulae can be observed concerning the celebration of the independence.19 This way the dates reveal the definition of the native holiday, recognizing the transcendence of the freedom and the restoration of a sovereign nation. For this reason, in these days, the neighbors had the obligation to place lights and hangings – decorations and flowers – in the doors and windows of his respective residences; in turn, the authorities at that time organized a series of events intended to give enhance to the patriotic day. The celebrations were to consolidate the role of important dates in history and, at the same time create a spirit of identity. The young nation was undergoing a process of identity and should therefore reaffirm the substance of the key events.
The political defeat of the first monarchical Mexican experiment, in 1823, influenced directly the chronology of the official holiday. In addition, in the years following the compendium of national holidays they joined as holidays: the day of the definitive victory against the Spanish forces in his last attempt of reconquest (September 11, 1829); the day of the consummation of the national independence (September 27) and the day of the appearance of the Virgin of Guadalupe (December 12). This last day was designated as national and religious holiday in accordance with the law of December 4, 1824. This explains the obligatory nature to place lighting and hangings in the night of this day and the following one.20 Although the division of time was not governed by school schedules, the holidays for schools included Sundays, Christmas (from December 24 to January 1, the day of the Circumcision), Epiphany (January 6), Resurrection (from Palm Sunday to Easter Tuesday) and Carnival (until Ash Wednesday). However, a decree dated July 5, 1838 limited the holidays and school vacations, to Sunday, the last three days of Easter and September 16.21
The importance given to the great patriotic events would have par excellence, celebrations at the height of the commemorations. Indeed, a patriotic meeting or honorable citizens, appointed by the authorities, carefully prepared a series of activities to enhance public recognition and social celebrations. The patriotic meetings were formed by an edict of 11 July 1850, with the aim of collecting donations for the celebration of the anniversaries of the Independence.22
To celebrate these events the cities were living a period of embellishment, and the buildings placed around the main square, as cathedral, public and remaining buildings, often dressed in gala. In the now-called Independence Square dominated militia members, who repeatedly fired volleys and conducted various demonstrations. Corporations and authorities of cities presided over the festivities by offering a Mass, as the underlying public holiday in the church as a sign of solemnity of the ceremonies planned. The entertainment of the people was ruled thru many days of popular dances. The political, intellectual, economic and religious elite, on the other hand, was sponsoring exclusive dances and, in general, their glamorous banquets were characterized by the exquisite selection of drinks and food; in this sense, the sources of the era are very illustrative.23
For example, the celebration of September 27, 1851 was showing a splendorous city of Merida: the gates of the houses decorated with elegant curtains of damask, bows, ribbons and flowers; in the streets, perennial partners of the holiday, the bells rang incessantly, meanwhile bombs and rockets sailed into the air. The multitude was gathered on the main square, waiting for the authorities. The ceremony, established by protocol, started from much early, with the formation of a welcome fence that the troops were extending from the government palace up to the cathedral doors. The governor, the city council, civil authorities, the commanding general with his staff, and key families in the city, opened the event by walking the streets in that direction. The Mass of Thanksgiving and the Te Deum synthesized the solemnity of the event, because religion was important in patriotic celebrations. The supremacy, in this tenor, was warned by the presence of the bishop and the ecclesiastic chapter. Therefore, during the event passed moments dedicated to the ritual and representations of profane nature. In the government building was read a prepared speech about the consummation of Independence,24 and the ceremonial acts concluded after a brief speech and attention to the audience gathered. The diversion joins when the musical bands of the military body meet in the avenue in obsequiousness of the public. In the night, in the dance organized in the consistorial house for the same nourished morning covey, a band harmonized the compasses of an opera.25 In Campeche the celebrations were similar, since in the celebration of the anniversary of the “Grito de Dolores” of 1851 the patriotic meeting organized several activities from September 15 until September 18. The celebration proclaimed the extolment of the date by means of diverse public acts, speeches, military parades, serenades and banquets. The following night it was crowned with music in the principal square and the elevation of a balloon illuminated and adorned with lanterns, in addition to the ignition of a basket of fireworks. Last day devoted itself to other diversions, including a dance.26
The timing of holidays in the second half of the nineteenth century
The repertoire of national holidays, which began to deconstruct since the 1830s, underwent further changes during the government of Benito Juárez and survived intact in the time of the second empire. In 1855, the State Congress of Yucatan determined that the celebrations would take place only on September 16 and 27, cancelling that of the 11th of the same month due to the lack of resources.27 During the Second Empire the timing of holiday only recognized the legitimacy of September 16 as public day28; this orientation remained current up to the decree signed on December 28, 1865, which established that only were considered to be national festivities September 16 and the day of birthday of the sovereign.29 However, in a short time again festivities included 11 and 27 September. Indeed, even if the decrees of 1859 and 1864 reduced the number of holidays, these documents cannot be interpreted as dispositions that were trying to forget the history, the heroes and, since it says a popular saying, the days that gave glory to the nation. The measurements were answering to an attempt for diminishing the abundant holidays tolerated by the previous authorities. Nevertheless, this politics did not incline for a rupture with the national identity but on the contrary: during Maximiliano’s regime there was a tendency for accentuating the national values, exalting the material progress and identify the monarchical couple.30 In effect, the magnificent holidays were promoting the figure of the princes – accentuated with the declaration of the birthday as national holiday-, in addition to which they were using such dates with propaganda motives. In Yucatan, for example, the imperial commissioner in those days opened the first jumping well of the peninsula and the first electromagnetic telegraph.31
These days, of course, were not the holiday only ones – that is to say, the official holidays of civil character-; nevertheless, the religious holidays need a different analysis and a separate research according to their relevancy. The political machinery during the Juárez and Imperial period lost the interest in the ancient official celebrations of September 11 and 27. In the official speech, the reduction of the holiday was contributing to the backing of “the serviceability and particular expediencies, not necessary for the progress and aggrandizement of the people”.32 This vision is to accommodate the efforts to ensure formation of a nation in its prosperity, over the interests of the people and the masses. Such rhetoric is also collected in the newspaper El Pensamiento, in his criticism of the excessive number of religious festivals in the city.33 The regency of the empire, also, established that the tendency to the work was fundamental for the progress and the civil servant was stamping the recognizable image for the citizen. Hence, even every Sunday the workpeople of the State were fulfilling their labor responsibilities after the mass and were coming to their offices from nine to twelve of the day, even if they kept the doors closed.34
The holidays during the Second Empire, 1864-1868
During the Second Empire, the holiday of independence reached a new dimension in the national spirit. The celebration started having major preponderance in the popular feeling, because the French authorities tried to inculcate in the public the fact that to have representatives of foreign origin was not meaning to disdain such an important and symbolic date for the nation. If a forced question was ¿why to cancel the remaining days of national holiday? The response was explained by the discredit of the work and the content of the governments later to the Independence. This fact was meaning that in the contest of the regimes before to the Second Empire there was no an effective recognition of his functionality and in this sense there was no need to pay attention to the dates sealed with the character of national holiday. For that reason, the organization of a splendid feast of Independence was a powerful desire for enhancing the achievements of the heroes of the movement launched in 1810. The purpose of the continuity of the holiday was only trying to emphasize the respect of a national symbol, while achieving identify with Mexicans. The image of the Independence was a representation of the national feeling to that the imperialism offered major importance. The construction of a monument to the Independence in Mexico City, -with sculptures of Hidalgo, Iturbide, Guerrero and Morelos, and an additional one of Morelos in the Plaza de Guardiola, represents the stamp nobility of the heroes in the national destination.35 The sumptuous image of the celebration obeyed the imperial determination to free itself of the invaders’ stamp. That summed up the idea of a desire to celebrate at a height of the event and, in some way, to satisfy the pride of the people in demand of the nationalistic claims of the inhabitants of the empire. In addition to the national holiday, the imperialist government took pains to lavish welcome and pay tribute to the important figures of the administration, for example, on 12, 13 and 14 June 1864 were declared public holidays to celebrate the arrival of Maximiliano to Mexico. In these dates there were realized parades of military men, civic walks, displays, dances, walk of carriages, masses, in addition to which José García Montero composed an allusive anthem to Maximiliano and Carlota.36 In the reception of the imperial commissioner José Salazar Ilarregui, in September 1864, the authorities of Campeche ordered the arrangements to a commission that he organized, in addition to the official ceremony of reception, speeches, banquets and stage plays.37 In the city of Merida the commissioner received the same samples of affection, since there the authorities prepared several banquets, dances and walks, in addition to the serenade offered by the director of the military orchestra.38 Undoubtedly, the more preponderant welcome party of those times was the one offered to the empress Carlota: the city dressed itself of gala in these days and the organizing commission prepared several banquets, private and public dances, fireworks, displays, serenades and walks. On June 7 and July 6, the birthday of Maximiliano and Carlota, were also cause for grand celebrations, which included decorating the walls of the house with lanterns, curtains and banners, in addition to the displays, volleys, fireworks, banquets, gatherings and inauguration of public works. For the birthday of the emperor, Manuel Susano Villamor wrote a poem in his honor.39
The holidays during the Restored Republic, 1868-1875
The patriotic drama had a major heyday in the years of the Restored Republic. The republican claim was achieved in Yucatan thanks to General Manuel Cepeda Peraza, restorer of the republic. With this victory, the official anthem of the state was born September 17, 1868 to honor the heroes of May 5, 1862, thanks to the letter of Manuel Palomeque Solís and the music of José Jacinto Cuevas. The celebration of the day of the heroic children, although it was declared of national mourning from September 13, 1871, neither was recognized as national holiday nor had influence in Merida. The institutionalization of the cult of the Heroic Children in the civic calendar was coined during the Porfiriato, but has not been identified as a national holiday.40 The ceremony of homage, then held on September 8, was limited to Mexico City. The rules of the “Organic Law” of December 10, 1874 instituted the ban on holidays to those who did not respond to the solemnity of civil events. Sundays, of course, were defined as days of rest in offices and public places. Public holidays, according to the “Code of Civil Procedure “approved on February 18, 1875, were Sundays, September 16, February 5, May 5 (triumph of Mexican forces over the French army at the Battle of Puebla) and March 3. The statement of these days as holidays responded to the decrees of August 11, 1869, October 26, 1869, February 1, 1861 and February 16, 1863, in addition to the state decree of April 24, 1869.41 On March 3 was a feast of state mourning and duel, by decree April 23, 1869, in commemoration of the death of General Manuel Cepeda Peraza.42 The decree of November 13, 1858, which declared days of mourning in the state – in memory of the execution of colonel Santiago Molas in 1853- on the 14th of the same month, had stopped being celebrated several lustrums earlier. At that time it was reminded again to the merchants that every Sunday and days of fair had to close their stores, shops and workshops from the usual time on Saturday until Monday43, although still in 1874 it kept on being observed that the clerks and workers of shops and workshops work until two o’clock on Sundays.44
With the victory of the Restored Republic, the splendor and the pomp of the anniversary of the Independence supported its validity, except during the smallpox epidemic of 187545. The holiday of September 16, for obvious reasons, always had a prominent place. In the celebration of 1873, from one day earlier there was displays, fireworks, interpretation of the national anthem, reading of the record of Independence and peal in general; on the 16th the national pavilion was hoisted, there was reveilles and general peal of bells and, perhaps, the first military parade in the main square. This date was also used to distribute the awards for outstanding students from schools in the city46. The ceremonies honoring the flag and national anthem, in the pursuit of national patrimony, became civic cults.47
Among the celebrations that returned, the one dedicated to May 548 reached fullness, because that date was declared a national holiday by President Benito Juárez, according to decree of 16 February 1863, it is clear that such national holiday obeyed immediate interests due to a nationalist and symbolic nature. The commemoration of the victory against the invading French forces of 1862 had a high political significance, as in previous years, the imperialists had minimized the claims of Mexican liberalism, almost to the sublime extolling their system was really necessary for the country. One year after the defeat of Maximiliano, the celebration interrupted during the regency resumed. At the national holiday of 1868 the patriotic board arranged an elaborated program. At seven o’clock in the morning, a covey of the government of the state, carrying the portraits of the President Benito Juárez and of General Ignacio Zaragoza, hero of the battle of Puebla, met in the Town Hall, where a military column produced the commemorative homage of the day. At eleven o’clock in the morning, in the house of government the authorities and other personalities remembered the date with different speeches, and then was offered a refreshment. To the midday, the cannons of the citadel vibrated in the capital. In the afternoon, they gathered in the Town Hall, and from there, leading the mentioned portraits, initiated a popular walk that covered the four streets of the main square and placed themselves in the center of it. To the step of the contingent, the military bodies installed in every corner of the square produced the corresponding honors, while in the center of the square the national standard was hoisted. During the event, speeches were read and a patriotic anthem was sung, and later the political authorities offered all the assistants. At eight o’clock in the night, at the time that the public buildings and the square were illuminated, the orchestras were interpreting diverse musical pieces in the low ones of the Town Hall; in this precise moment, also there was a spectacle of fireworks. The celebration, continued in the low galleries of the Town Hall with two allegoric speeches, a poetical composition and an anthem composed specially for the occasion. The procession there present was given small tricolored bouquets that had engraved the date and the portraits of the heroes. The patriotic meeting concluded the commemoration with a dance.49
However, for the celebration of 1875, there were fewer splendors due to a serious epidemic of smallpox; hence, the resources not included in the holiday were distributed between the neediest families. This national holiday was also used to carry out municipal exhibitions every four years. The first official exhibition of industrial and art was inaugurated during the government of Manuel Cicerol in 1871.50 While the 1875 exhibition was held until 1879, although it was projected to postpone September 16,51 the festivities of May 5 also served for the opening of major works. Indeed, May 5, 1875 opened the railroad between the cities of Merida and Progreso, when two carriages of forty people made their first trip to the nearby village of Itzimná.52 In addition to national holidays, during the administrations before and after the Second Empire, in Mérida was commemorated the holiday of the representation of the state on March 3. In memory of the hero of Yucatan, in public buildings in the city and state were hung black-colored ribbons as a sign of mourning and grief. The first celebration was realized in 1870, although – in contrast to the national holidays – it had little brightness and in the first anniversary of the death of General Cepeda Peraza the authorities and government employees took a black tape in the left arm, there was a series of homage and a banquet in his honor.53
The holidays during the Porfiriato, 1876-1910
The importance of the national holidays became stronger during the government of Porfirio Díaz, and in Yucatan, the authorities had equal worry for highlighting the figures, heroes and important dates of the national and state history. On September 21, 1882, for example, the congress authorized that on January 6 of every year, in the anniversary of the foundation of the city, a civil holiday was carried out. On March 31, 1887 José Rendón Peniche was declared distinguished person of the state, developer of the first railway line in Yucatan. That same day, July 30 was declared a day of mourning, in memory of victims of the uprising Indian village Tepich. On July 17, 1888 was set as the date of 18 days of mourning each month on the death of Benito Juárez, and January 31, 1895 Eligio Ancona was meritorious state, so his name was written with golden letters in the chamber of the legislature. The unusual nationalistic spirit that the government tried to show perhaps could be explained by the massive irruption of companies and foreign industries in the country. In contrast to the Restored Republic, which tried to exalt the holidays of May 5 for their rejection to Maximiliano’s regime, in the Porfiriato the presence of the figure of the foreigner stands out for a less cardinal meaning. Although they were the same authorities who stimulated the foreign proliferation as agricultural, industrial or cultural investors, it was necessary to highlight an image of nation with symbols, events, heroes, dates and places that identified with the Mexicans.
This nationalism rested in the magnification of September, the month dedicated to the native holidays or holidays of the homeland. In these days, there was special attention to the flag as patriotic symbol. The national anthem, the elevation of the ensign, the volleys, the drums of orchestras and the pupils’ parade of the schools are some distinctive elements remembered in the celebrations of September 16. The civic-ritual ceremony, however, also involved two key components: the mock combat and the civic authorities stroll through the main streets. The permanence of a public on the streets, before the release of the new ceremonies-performances, helped to give greater prominence to the celebrations, which an old and traditional ritual became theatrical events.54 Changes in the definition of the ceremony were operated at the level of the party as a new warning of the contemporary world. Indeed, the break with traditional forms is set when the former audience is granted with an active character that was previously unknown in the performance. The symbols and the praising news recognized in the speeches of tributes or through extraordinary stories tried to become real images through the staging of a central event in national history. The performance of the “Grito de Dolores” on the school parades was highly valued because of the demonstration and identification of children and youth with the national heroes and their understanding of the homeland spirit.
The symbolism of the mock combat was also a simulated reproduction of the values of love, loyalty and patriotism that tried to be accentuated in the society. The popular character of allegory sought to exalt the people that the defense of the national territory laid in the legitimacy and national identity. Through the mock battles at the same time tended to be encouraged that the order is necessary for progress, the two pillars of the Porfirio Díaz regime policy. On the other hand, one must not forget the most spectacular holiday of these times either: the centenary of the Independence of 1910,55 commemoration that initiated on September 14, when the governor of Yucatan, Enrique Muñoz Arístegui, inaugurated the Agricultural Exhibition and placed the first stone of the monument to the Independence, although the above-mentioned work never materialized. The solemnity of the September 16, that included volleys, music, dances, private and public parties, highlighted by the inauguration of the building of the Higher Board of Health, and the State’s Centennial Park, where a marble fountain donated by the Cuban colony of the city was installed.56 The preponderance of the commemorative ceremonies excelled in the whole territory, trying to show to Mexicans and foreigners the prosperity and the progress of the country.57
The idea of nation reconciled with the founding dates of the country, with the heroes who defended the motherland and the national flag, shield and anthem.58 The glorification of the national heroes acquired a new impetus – also remembered in the insistence for recovering this symbolism in the names of streets and midday parks, where also statues and civic monuments rose – across a civic calendar that was highlighting his national importance. The initiative of the legislature of Yucatan to declare a national holiday the birth of Benito Juárez, a prominent figure who fought against the foreign regime of Maximiliano shows such intention. Although on March 20, 1906 the Congress of the State of Yucatan had decreed national holiday March 21, such a celebration had no recognition in the national ambience. Therefore an initiative was sent to the Congress of the Union, approved on October 3, for to provide to the holiday with the above mentioned character; this way, on March 21, 1906, in the centenary of his birth, there was signed the decree that was establishing the national holiday.59 Although during the Second Empire was enhanced the public image of Maximiliano, Porfirio Díaz became an icon which reached unexpected levels because this time the Porfirio image defines the nation and all public demonstrations tend to weigh as an emblem of the state. The party-show-ceremony, sought to justify through their ritual the leading role as manager of progress. Therefore, Porfirio Díaz stands as director of the changes, orchestrator of the order, and national figure, whose greatness can even emulated with national dates. On having turned the day of his birth, September 15, in the date in which the authorities would celebrate the ceremony of the Independence called “Grito de Independencia”, it transformed his birthday into a national holiday, and for it, the holiday most emphasized from the homeland was accompanied by the stature of its president. A note of 1908 indicates that:
General Díaz is not for the nation a leader; it is a situation, and if a leader is sustituible, a situation it is never. The high intentions of Mr. President of the Republic take as an unbeatable obstacle, a feeling of social defense that it requests that the solid foundation survives intact on the one that has raised the public prosperity.60
The holiday of September 16 not only consisted of the ritual destined to extoll the native heroes, but also it was trying to demonstrate the efficacy of the authorities as directors of the progress. Moreover, the opening of big works serves for this intention: the openings are, at the same time, conjunctures that stimulated speeches and public ceremonies widely reviewed in the newspapers. The protocol was also present at the ceremony to lay the foundation stone of a public works project, after which both the original contracts, plans and budget were buried under the foundation stone on location. In addition to the rituals, there were also spaces for the fun: in a civic walk along the principal streets of Merida, realized on September 15, 1905, there were four allegorical cars of the town hall, one of the public works section and others of several individuals. The government rewarded the public on holidays with fireworks and novel balloons with figures of various animals: dogs, elephants and fish, while children often receive toys, candy, fruit or ice cream in the main square.61 The traditional ball, in contrast, focuses on politicians, intellectuals and capitalists in a space intended to emphasize the image of the festival and its president, speeches, of course, were allegories and tributes in honor of Porfirio Díaz.
Among the highlights of the holidays during the Porfirio Díaz regime, included the so-called Presidential festivities, celebrations during the visits of the president, whose months of preparation, organization and huge costs witnessed magnificent tribute to the presence of Diaz, as the exaltation of their public image As has been said, played a key role. In the 1905 presidential events, organizers considered raising a minimum of one hundred thousand pesos of citizens, plus a similar amount provided by the state government. The formation of several committees related to the “great commission,” aimed to ensure the preparations for and during the holidays, because the city should dress gala. Apart from contracts with several companies to adorn buildings and bring orchestras from Mexico City, various works were necessary for improvement and embellishment of the property Chunchucmil owned by Rafael Peon to accommodate the president. Several arches were put on the Paseo de Montejo and other parts of the city, and one of the most symbolic events was the inauguration of the avenue Porfirio Díaz, an extension of the old road Melchor Ocampo or street 59 west. The traditional civic walking, saluting, fireworks and banquets were crowned by a dance that the workers offered to General Diaz.62
The inauguration of works on the so-called homeland dates is one of the most distinctive features of government, because in those dates it highlighted its progressive and social role, in addition identified with the more important projects of public interest. On May 5, 1879, in the municipal palace in Merida, Manuel Romero Ancona opened the Second Exhibition of The State of Yucatan,63 an idea that is also present in the exhibitions abroad. In the Paris World Exhibition, held from May 6 to November 6, 1889, Yucatán was present thru the preparations orchestrated by Rodulfo G. Guangzhou. In Paris, visitors observed tobacco plants, sisal products, candles, cigars, copal, tzaican, hats, indigo, timber of the region, skins, and nance sweet and liquor, and so on. During the Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893, in addition to the well known products of Yucatan, a government initiative presented a series of statistics and historical data on agricultural and industrial production in the state. Jose Tiburcio Cervera wrote about the state´s communication, commerce and banking, schools, cultural and recreational institutions, charities and mutual, among other things. The local products returned to Europe in 1900, during the international exhibition in Paris,64 and these days were often used to highlight the value of the patriotic ideals. In a ceremony held at the Circus-Theater of Yucatan on May 5, 1905, the governor Olegario Molina delivered to 238 veterans of the so-called Caste War medals of gold, silver and bronze. In the same event also recognized the role that General Ignacio A. Bravo played during the campaign that decided the end of the uprising and in recognition, a sword was given to him.
Public holidays were not only limited to the holidays, they also were days to celebrate the election of governors. In addition to private banquets and meetings or political speeches, often held in the Yucatecan Circus-Theater, from early music bands roamed the city’s main streets.65
Unlike national holidays, the celebration of the end of the century festival in Merida had little attention from the authorities; the newspapers only published a small note titled “Display between two centuries.” In the local celebrations, in addition to rosaries, bishop speeches, blessings and a solemn mass in the cathedral,- with exposition of the Blessed Sacrament from Saturday, December 29, 1900 until Tuesday January 1, 1901-. In the official side scarcely a display was programmed in the main square between half after eleven and half after twelve in the night, with volleys, flying rockets, peal of bells and reveilles that would announce the end of the century.66 In the city of Campeche, on the other hand, the board ordered the adornment of the streets and homes, private banquets and solemn Mass. In the park “Porfirio Díaz” a serenade started at eight p.m. and at midnight they celebrated with volleys, fireworks, rockets and balloons. The next day, January 1, when many shops and businesses closed, they organized a battle of flowers in the neighborhood of Guadalupe and a parade of allegoric cars and a competition took place in order to award the best representation of the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth century.67
Final statements
After the Independence finished, the need to consolidate the bonds of identity and nationalism led the political authorities to establish a calendar of public or native holidays that remembered the dates most valued to the History of Mexico. Of course, the rupture with the Hispanic regime coincided with the reshaping of the old calendar of events, however, governments alternated in power structured patriotism as it was a legitimization of the political system of domination and power, but also responded to the historical circumstances experienced (Iturbide empire, Second Empire, Restored Republic). Even if in general there was major preponderance for distinguishing the native holidays as it was corresponding to the national interests of the project of formed State in the national patriotism, there was underlined the existence of the hierarchic order of the society from the enthronement of the image of certain leaders (Iturbide, Maximiliano and Porfirio Díaz), whose figures tried to emulate and represent the patriotic national sense. This way there was confirmed in the national festivity the inalterable permanence of a society subject to domination.
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Author: Pedro Miranda Ojeda, Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán.
- María José Garrido Asperó, “Las fiestas celebradas en la ciudad de México. De capital de la Nueva España a capital del imperio de Agustín I. Permanencias y cambios a la legislación festiva”, in the “supervivencia del derecho español en Hispanoamérica durante la época independiente”, 1998, 186; José Deleito y Piñuela, “… también se divierte el pueblo”, 1988b. [↩]
- Diccionario de la lengua castellana, 1832, 349; Diccionario universal de la lengua castellana, ciencias y artes, 1878, vol. V, 213. It had the same connotation during the colonial period, see Diccionario de autoridades, 1732, II, 747. [↩]
- Centro de Apoyo a la Investigación Histórica de Yucatán (hereinafter will be called as CAIHY), Prints, loose-leaf papers, box XII-1821, 2004. [↩]
- Adriana Gil Maroño, “El montaje de la jura de Carlos IV en Veracruz (1790): la fiesta en la construcción de lo público”, in Carlos Aguirre Anaya, et al. (eds.), “Los espacios públicos de la ciudad, siglos XVIII y XIX”, 2002, 63. [↩]
- María José Garrido Asperó, op. Cit. 188 [↩]
- CAIHY, Copiador de cédulas reales, manuscripts and printed from 1780 until 1794-1795, ff. 123-123v. [↩]
- Ibidem, Actas de cabildo de Mérida, book 6, June 30, 1789, ff. 98v-99v. [↩]
- Ibidem, Copiador de oficios del ayuntamiento de Mérida, f. 82v (underlined in the original). [↩]
- Ibidem, Actas de cabildo, book 9, November 25, 1800, ff.38v-39. [↩]
- Diccionario universal de la lengua castellana, ciencias y artes, vol. V, 213. [↩]
- Jorge Myers, “Una revolución en las costumbres, las nuevas formas de sociabilidad de la élite porteña”, 1800-1860, 2002, 24. [↩]
- CAIHY, Actas de cabildo, Book 5, ff. 269v; ibidem, Manuscripts loose-leaf papers, box XIII-1822. [↩]
- Ceferino Gutiérrez, “Efemérides de Mérida de Yucatán (1798-1822)”, in Documentos históricos peninsulares, 1995, 254; CAIHY, Manuscripts loose-leaf papers, box XIII-1822, ¼ , 042; ibidem, Manuscripts loose-leaf papers, box XV-1822, ¼ , 005. While the street riot May 18, 1822 publicly proclaimed Iturbide as emperor of Mexico, congressional ratification of the proclamation occurred on 20 September. The coronation of Iturbide and his wife was held on July 21 next. [↩]
- Enrique Florescano, “Historia de las historias de la nación mexicana”, 2002, 312-313. [↩]
- María José Garrido Asperó, op. Cit., 197. [↩]
- Archivo Histórico del Arzobispado de Yucatán (hereinafter AHAY), “Oficios y decretos, Justicia y negocios eclesiásticos”, sección mixta nbr. 48, vol. II, 1822-1827. [↩]
- Annick Lampèriére, “Los dos centenarios de la independencia mexicana (1910-1921). De la historia patria a la antropología cultural”, in Historia mexicana, vol. XLV, núm. 2, 317-318; Mariano E. Torres Bautista, “De la fiesta monárquica a la fiesta cívica: el tránsito del poder en Puebla, 1821-1822” in Historia mexicana, vol. XLV, núm. 2, 235; María José Garrido Asperó, op. Cit., 186; Marcos González Pérez, “Fiesta en Santa Fe de Bogotá”, in La ciudad observada, 1998b, 89-90. [↩]
- María José Garrido Asperó, op.cit., 187; Brian F. Connaughton, “Dimensiones de la identidad política”, 2001, 137; Enrique Florescano, “Etnia, estado y nación. Ensayos sobre las identidades colectivas en México”, 2001, 438-439. [↩]
- Marcos González Pérez, “Sociabilidad y fiesta. Bogotá, siglo XIX”, in Historias, 41, 1998ª, 117-118. [↩]
- CAIHY, Decretos del Congreso constituyente, Book 125, F.57. [↩]
- Joaquín Escriche, “Diccionario razonado de la legislación civil, penal, comercial y forense”, 1837, 21; CAIHY, Prints loose-leaf pages, box VII-1837, July 5, 1838, 050. [↩]
- Alonso Aznar Pérez (comp.), “Colección de leyes, decretos y ordenes o acuerdos de tendencia general del poder legislativo del Estado Libre y Soberano de Yucatán”, vol. II, 1949, 362. [↩]
- CAIHY, Manuscripts loose-leaf papers, box XIII-1822, 1/4, 039; ibidem, Manuscripts loose-leaf papers, box XV-1822, 3/4, 001. [↩]
- The reading and publication of the speeches and civic prayers turned into an important line of the celebration of independence. [↩]
- El Siglo Diez y Nueve, Mérida, october 1, 1851. [↩]
- El Fénix, Campeche, september 10, 1851. [↩]
- Eligio Ancona, “Colección de leyes, decretos, ordenes y demás disposiciones de tendencia general, expedidas por el gobierno legislativo del Estado de Yucatan”, 1882-1883, 225. [↩]
- Felipe Tena Ramírez, “Leyes Fundamentales de México”, 1808-1985, 1985, 659-660; “La Nueva Época”, Mérida, june 29, 1864. [↩]
- CAIHY, Prints, box IX, exp. 33. [↩]
- See Erika Pani, “El proyecto de Estado de Maximiliano a través de la vida cortesana y del ceremonial público”, in Historia Mexicana, XLV, núm. 2, 1995, 446. [↩]
- Ibidem, 453. [↩]
- Archivo General del Estado de Yucatán (hereinafter AGEY), Poder Ejecutivo, s/clasif., october 28, 1864. [↩]
- El Pensamiento, Mérida, december 12, 1875; ibídem, Mérida, august 27, 1876. [↩]
- La Nueva Época, Mérida, june 29, 1864. [↩]
- Érika Pani, op. Cit., 440-445. [↩]
- La Nueva Época, Mérida, june 13, 1864; ibídem, Mérida, june 17, 1864. [↩]
- Francisco Álvarez, “Anales históricos de Campeche “, II, 1991, 46-47. [↩]
- Periódico Oficial del Departamento de Yucatán, Mérida, january 3, 1866. [↩]
- Faulo Sánchez Novelo, la recreación en Yucatán durante el Segundo Imperio (1864-1867). Teatro, ópera, música y otras diversiones, 1999, 18-19. [↩]
- Enrique Plasencia de la Parra, “Conmemoración de la hazaña épica de los Niños Héroes: su origen, desarrollo y simbolismo”, in Historia Mexicana, vol. XLV, núm. 2, 1995, 252-255. [↩]
- El Pensamiento, Mérida, june 20, 1875. [↩]
- La Razón del Pueblo, Mérida, february 9, 1870. [↩]
- CAIHY, Actas de Cabildo, Book 39, october 15, 1869, f. 76v; la Revista de Mérida, Mérida, march 7, 1875. [↩]
- Boletín del gobierno de Yucatán, Mérida, January 15, 1874. [↩]
- El Mensajero, Mérida, September 17, 1875. [↩]
- CAIHY, Brochures, box XVIII. 1865, 19; Francisco Álvarez, op. Cit., II, 58; Faulo Sánchez Novelo, op. Cit., 21-45. [↩]
- Enrique Florescano, op. Cit., 2001, 439. [↩]
- Idem. [↩]
- Periódico oficial del Departamento de Yucatán, Mérida, May 5, 1868; CAIHY, Brochures, box XXII. 1870, 08; La Razón del Pueblo, Mérida, May 11, 1874; CAIHY, Brochures, box XXXII, 1879, 11. [↩]
- The first exhibition celebrated in Merida dates of December 10, 1856, when the imperial authorities prepared in the shallows of the municipal palace a producers’ contest. The Board of Exhibitions of the Department of Yucatan tried this organization by virtue of the visit of the empress Carlota. For this reason, there were displays of fruits and vegetables of the region, and natural wax, liquor, cigars joloch, combs and various objects of tortoiseshell, shoes, matches, snuff and raw carved stone lithography of Ticul, embroidery, ties, Cassava starch products, sisal, henequen hammocks, a wide variety of woodwork, pottery, models of machines henequen scrapers, and so on. In the exhibition of May 5, 1871, first of the liberal governments, were exhibited all kinds of local products, raw henequen and manufactured, articles of furniture, silverware, seashell and basketry. Mérida included the production of rigging, wires and ropes of henequen, matches, and hats. The producers of Izamal and Ticul deployed a wide range of pottery. See Víctor M. Suárez Molina, La evolución económica de Yucatán a través del siglo XIX, I, 1977, 82-83. [↩]
- La Revista de Mérida, Mérida, January 7, 1875. [↩]
- The festival opening of the railway began on April 1, when it became the first rail route to Progreso. At dawn on the main street of the square La Mejorada was installed a small arch built by craftsmen from Merida, in honor of José Rendón Peniche (dealer) and Vicente Mendez (construction engineer), there were also numerous flying acts, music and cheers. At seven o’clock, an important gathering was convened to witness the event. The halls of the station were adorned colorfully. The decoration was emphasizing the name of Rendón Peniche, and on top of this hang a national flag, as well as a picture with the decrees of authorization and transfers of the railroad; in the sides the were the planes of the Project. In the same enclosure, also, there were pictures with the names of those who took part and were employed at the work. At eight o’clock in the neighborhood church, the bishop of Yucatan blessed the first rails and the Godparents were hammering the first set of rails. In that instant heard the military band played a hymn, the gun sounded, the bells rang and the shouting was heard from the crowd. Then, Francisco Zavala, president of the Governing Council, delivered a speech. There were also speeches of Benito Aznar Perez (president of the council of trade), Manuel Dondé (a major exporter), Manuel M. Castro (representative of the landowners), José Millet Hubble (of the recreational-cultural society “La Union”), Jose Correa Canto (Conservatory Yucateco) and Joaquin Castillo Peraza (from recreational-cultural society “Liceo de Merida”). Journalist Javier Santa Maria, finally, read a poetic composition. In the last act, “La Union” offered a wreath on behalf of Rendón Peniche, after which the crowd dispersed; See La Revista de Mérida, Mérida, May 2, 4 and 8, 1875. [↩]
- La Razón del Pueblo, Mérida, February 9, 1870. [↩]
- See Gustavo Rodríguez Ostria, “Fiesta, poder y espacio urbano en Cochabamba (1864-1867)”, in Siglo XIX, segunda época, 13, 1993, 101. [↩]
- CAIHY, brochures, box LXXXI, 1910, ¾, 13; Enrique Florescano, op. Cit., 2001, 442. [↩]
- Carlos R. Menéndez, Noventa años de Historia de Yucatán (1821-1910), 1937. [↩]
- Annick Lampérière, op. Cit., 321; Enrique Plasencia Parra, op. Cit., 257; Nora Pérez-Rayón Elizundia, México 1900, Percepciones y valores en la gran prensa capitalina, 2001, 243. [↩]
- Enrique Florescano, ibídem, 2001, 439, 442. [↩]
- La Revista de Mérida, Mérida, August 23 and October 5, 1905. [↩]
- El Diario Popular, Mérida, March 23, 1908. [↩]
- La Revista de Mérida, Mérida, September 14, 1905. [↩]
- Ibidem, 6, 10, 22 and 24 of November, 1905. [↩]
- AGEY, Poder Ejecutivo, Oficina del Gobernador, box 207; Víctor M. Suárez Molina, op. Cit., I, 83; CAIHY, brochures, box XXXII, 1879, 11. [↩]
- AGEY, Poder Ejecutivo, Gobernación, Correspondencia oficial, vol. 330; Víctor M.Suárez Molina, op. Cit., 1, 84. [↩]
- La Revista de Mérida, Mérida, August 10, 1905. [↩]
- La Revista de Mérida, Mérida, December 28, 1900. [↩]
- Ibidem, December 25, 1900. [↩]